1770s

Disorders in the colonies

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The disorders in the colonies do not seem to have been caused by the defects in the forms or constitutions of government. They have not prevailed in proportion as one has been under a more popular form of government than another. They must be attributed to a cause, common to all the colonies,—a loose, false, and absurd notion of the nature of government, spread by designing, artful men, setting bounds to the supreme authority, and admitting parts of the community, and even individuals, to judge when those bounds are exceeded, and to obey or disobey accordingly.

These principles prevailing, there can be no interior force exerted, and disorder and confusion must be the effect; and when there is no apprehension of force from the supreme authority, the effect is the same in the distinct parts as in the whole. Under these circumstances, measures for reforming the constitution of any people will probably be ineffectual, and tend to increase their disorders. The colonies were under these circumstances when he wrote his first private letter. There was a general opinion prevailing that they could distress the kingdom by withdrawing their commerce from it, and that there was not the least danger of any compulsory measures.

In this colony there was room to hope for a change of circumstances, but it was uncertain, and probably at a distance. They had just felt the shock of that most fortunate stroke which freed the Castle from any dependence upon the people, and kept the harbour and town of Boston under the command of the King’s ships; but the effects did not appear. He was striving for a just decision in the case of the soldiers, and not without hope, but far from being certain of success. There was a prospect of the dissolution of the confederacies against importation, though several of the colonies appeared to be more resolute.

There was also an expectation of a rupture between Great Britain and France or Spain, or both, which would tend to show the people their dependence on the kingdom, and the reasonableness of their submission to the supreme authority. He was not insensible of the peculiar defects in the constitution of this province, and he has complained of the Council as being under undue influence, and casting their weight into that scale which had much too great proportion before; but was doubtful himself, and there were others doubtful also, whether, while the body of the people continued in the state they were then in, councillors appointed by the Crown would dare to undertake the trust, or, if they should do it, whether the people in general would not refuse to submit to their authority; and he feared the consequences of either would more than countervail the advantages to arise merely from an alteration in the constitution. To this must be attributed the want of determination which appeared in his private letters, and not to any unwillingness to trust his Lordship with his real sentiments.

The change in the temper of the people has been brought about sooner, and to a greater degree, than anybody could expect; and they seem now to be as well prepared to receive such a change in the constitution as at any future time; or, if it should be deferred, they will probably remain in tolerably good order until such time as may be judged convenient, provided something is done in the meantime to discover the resentment of the kingdom against their avowed principles and practices, which shall give them cause to imagine that further measures are to be taken with them.

Such resentment has been everywhere expected. If omitted, they will go back to their former disorders. That wise step of changing the garrison at the Castle began their cure. In the height of this confusion a citadel upon Fort Hill seemed also to be necessary. Now thinks the same end is answered without it. It may, however, be proper for the King to have the actual possession of the spot, either by erecting a warehouse or magazine, or by making some kind of enclosure to restrain encroachments, and yet not prevent the inhabitants from using the place to walk and air themselves in, as they now frequently do. There is a vote of the town for selling it. Will watch their motions, and, if anything further is attempted, will take public notice of it. If no further advances are made for securing good behaviour, there certainly will be no receding. To depart suddenly from what has been done at the Castle, &c. would be very dangerous.

Every Act of Parliament carried into execution in the colonies tends to strengthen Government there. A firm persuasion that Parliament is determined at all events to maintain the supreme authority is all they want; few or none are so weak as to question the power to do it. If Acts were passed more or less to control them every Session, they would soon be familiarized to them; their erroneous opinions would die away, and peace and order would revive. An Act to enable the King to alter the bounds of the province by his commission, the charter notwithstanding, by making the province of Main, and country east of it, a distinct and separate province, and to annex or not, as His Majesty should think fit, New Hampshire to the Massachusetts, or to separate the country east of Penobscot and annex it to Nova Scotia, might either be kept as a rod over them, or, if executed immediately, would show a just resentment against the province for countenancing the intrusions in the eastern country, whereby the King’s timber is exposed to waste and havoc, and would be a striking instance of the power and authority of Parliament.

Gives his reasons for thinking that the Act would be executed. Suggests that whenever the charter and case of the province comes under consideration, instead of expressly declaring that the power of electing councillors by the Assembly shall determine, the King should be enabled by his Royal order of declaration to determine it, and to appoint a Council instead, as he shall think proper. The late Act permitting the issue of bills of credit at New York was extremely well adapted to maintain the authority of Parliament.

“George III: January 1771.” Calendar of Home Office Papers (George III): 1770-2. Ed. Richard Arthur Roberts. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1881. 182-200. British History Online. Web. 2 April 2020. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/home-office-geo3/1770-2/pp182-200.

Disorders in the colonies

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The passage discusses the underlying causes of disorder in the American colonies during the lead-up to the Revolutionary War. It attributes these disorders to a common misconception about the nature of government, perpetuated by individuals who sought to limit supreme authority and grant judgmental powers to certain segments of society. Despite the turmoil mainly associated with the continental colonies, Nova Scotia was also embroiled in similar unrest. The text outlines efforts to address the situation, including the possibility of altering the colony’s constitution and strengthening royal authority through various measures. It reflects on the evolving temper of the people and the need for decisive action to maintain order, suggesting potential legislative actions and administrative changes to assert parliamentary authority and address colonial grievances.

“The disorders in the colonies do not seem to have been caused by the defects in the forms or constitutions of government. They have not prevailed in proportion as one has been under a more popular form of government than another. They must be attributed to a cause, common to all the colonies,—a loose, false, and absurd notion of the nature of government, spread by designing, artful men, setting bounds to the supreme authority, and admitting parts of the community, and even individuals, to judge when those bounds are exceeded, and to obey or disobey accordingly. These principles prevailing, there can be no interior force exerted, and disorder and confusion must be the effect; and when there is no apprehension of force from the supreme authority, the effect is the same in the distinct parts as in the whole. Under these circumstances, measures for reforming the constitution of any people will probably be ineffectual, and tend to increase their disorders. The colonies were under these circumstances when he wrote his first private letter. There was a general opinion prevailing that they could distress the kingdom by withdrawing their commerce from it, and that there was not the least danger of any compulsory measures. In this colony there was room to hope for a change of circumstances, but it was uncertain, and probably at a distance. They had just felt the shock of that most fortunate stroke which freed the Castle from any dependence upon the people, and kept the harbour and town of Boston under the command of the King’s ships; but the effects did not appear. He was striving for a just decision in the case of the soldiers, and not without hope, but far from being certain of success. There was a prospect of the dissolution of the confederacies against importation, though several of the colonies appeared to be more resolute. There was also an expectation of a rupture between Great Britain and France or Spain, or both, which would tend to show the people their dependence on the kingdom, and the reasonableness of their submission to the supreme authority. He was not insensible of the peculiar defects in the constitution of this province, and he has complained of the Council as being under undue influence, and casting their weight into that scale which had much too great proportion before; but was doubtful himself, and there were others doubtful also, whether, while the body of the people continued in the state they were then in, councillors appointed by the Crown would dare to undertake the trust, or, if they should do it, whether the people in general would not refuse to submit to their authority; and he feared the consequences of either would more than countervail the advantages to arise merely from an alteration in the constitution. To this must be attributed the want of determination which appeared in his private letters, and not to any unwillingness to trust his Lordship with his real sentiments.

The change in the temper of the people has been brought about sooner, and to a greater degree, than anybody could expect; and they seem now to be as well prepared to receive such a change in the constitution as at any future time; or, if it should be deferred, they will probably remain in tolerably good order until such time as may be judged convenient, provided something is done in the meantime to discover the resentment of the kingdom against their avowed principles and practices, which shall give them cause to imagine that further measures are to be taken with them. Such resentment has been everywhere expected. If omitted, they will go back to their former disorders. That wise step of changing the garrison at the Castle began their cure. In the height of this confusion a citadel upon Fort Hill seemed also to be necessary. Now thinks the same end is answered without it. It may, however, be proper for the King to have the actual possession of the spot, either by erecting a warehouse or magazine, or by making some kind of enclosure to restrain encroachments, and yet not prevent the inhabitants from using the place to walk and air themselves in, as they now frequently do. There is a vote of the town for selling it. Will watch their motions, and, if anything further is attempted, will take public notice of it. If no further advances are made for securing good behaviour, there certainly will be no receding. To depart suddenly from what has been done at the Castle, &c. would be very dangerous. Every Act of Parliament carried into execution in the colonies tends to strengthen Government there. A firm persuasion that Parliament is determined at all events to maintain the supreme authority is all they want; few or none are so weak as to question the power to do it. If Acts were passed more or less to control them every Session, they would soon be familiarized to them; their erroneous opinions would die away, and peace and order would revive. An Act to enable the King to alter the bounds of the province by his commission, the charter notwithstanding, by making the province of Main, and country east of it, a distinct and separate province, and to annex or not, as His Majesty should think fit, New Hampshire to the Massachusetts, or to separate the country east of Penobscot and annex it to Nova Scotia, might either be kept as a rod over them, or, if executed immediately, would show a just resentment against the province for countenancing the intrusions in the eastern country, whereby the King’s timber is exposed to waste and havoc, and would be a striking instance of the power and authority of Parliament. Gives his reasons for thinking that the Act would be executed. Suggests that whenever the charter and case of the province comes under consideration, instead of expressly declaring that the power of electing councillors by the Assembly shall determine, the King should be enabled by his Royal order of declaration to determine it, and to appoint a Council instead, as he shall think proper. The late Act permitting the issue of bills of credit at New York was extremely well adapted to maintain the authority of Parliament.”

“George III: January 1771.” Calendar of Home Office Papers (George III): 1770-2. Ed. Richard Arthur Roberts. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1881. 182-200. British History Online. Web. 2 April 2020. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/home-office-geo3/1770-2/pp182-200.

“Nova Scotia contains many disaffected people, natives and New Englanders”

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(bb.) Adml. Graves to Mr. Stephens.—Boston, 3 Oct. Receipt of letters acknowledged, and an account given of his further proceedings. The province of Nova Scotia contains many disaffected people, natives and New Englanders. I have reason to apprehend an attempt to destroy H.M.’s yard and stores, in which the rebels from the eastern parts of New Hampshire would be sure of assistance, not only from the town and country people, but even from the artificers of the yard, who are mostly of this province. It is, indeed, a very serious consideration that those employed in the yard are so intimately connected with the rebels that barely by not working they might throw us into many difficulties.

“George III: November 1775.” Calendar of Home Office Papers (George III): 1773-5. Ed. Richard Arthur Roberts. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1899. 456-492. British History Online. Web. 2 April 2020. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/home-office-geo3/1773-5/pp456-492.

“There’s many Whigs (as they are called) in Nova Scotia”

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Our couriers between Quebec and Montreal depart from hence twice a week. The letters they carry scarce defray the expense of the riding work; but, seeing that the conveniency of the posts weekly is felt by the mercantile body, and in short by the whole province, and saves the expense of many expresses to Government, I shall continue it as long as it does not bring the office in debt. In all probability we shall be shut out from all communications from any one part of the world after the middle of November until the middle of May, unless letters can be conveyed from the station of the packet-boat (wherever that may be) to Halifax, in Nova Scotia, there to be put under Governor Legge’s care. He could find some trusty [Mi’kmaq] or Acadians to carry a mail across to Quebec, but as (’tis said) there’s many Whigs (as they are called) in Nova Scotia, great caution should be used by the couriers. I cannot see any other method for the Government despatches than the following, laid before General Gage. The couriers will cross over from the River des Loups to the Lake Timisquata on the height of land, then down the River Madawaska to St. John’s River, following its stream to its mouth. This route is practicable in all seasons, though difficult in the fall and early in the spring. Couriers may be despatched from Quebec. A trusty person at the mouth of St. John’s will receive all despatches from Canada or Halifax. The Canadian couriers will leave their packets there, and will take up those for Canada; the expresses from Halifax will carry back the packets from Quebec.

“George III: September 1775.” Calendar of Home Office Papers (George III): 1773-5. Ed. Richard Arthur Roberts. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1899. 397-422. British History Online. Web. 2 April 2020. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/home-office-geo3/1773-5/pp397-422.

Hay Party

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(aa.) Admiral Graves to Mr. Stephens, Boston, 18 May.—I find that the rebellion begun in Massachusetts Bay has spread itself to New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. There is too much reason to apprehend the infection is general, since even Nova Scotia has shown symptoms in burning a quantity of hay collected for the use of the troops. I submit, therefore, how extremely useful a few of the old fifty-gun ships would be to serve in the rivers of this continent, &c. Every day’s experience shows that we can hope for no supplies the rebels can prevent; their vigilance extends even to firewood, which is expressly forbidden to be sold, and guards are placed along the coast for that purpose.

“George III: June 1775.” Calendar of Home Office Papers (George III): 1773-5. Ed. Richard Arthur Roberts. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1899. 350-362. British History Online. Web. 2 April 2020. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/home-office-geo3/1773-5/pp350-362.

(d.) Captain Andrew Barkley to Admiral Graves. (Piscataqua, 19 May 1775.)—The people of Halifax, in Nova Scotia, assembled and destroyed a magazine of hay collected there for the use of H.M.’s troops, and attempted to destroy the King’s yard, but were prevented by some part of the inhabitants.

“George III: July 1775.” Calendar of Home Office Papers (George III): 1773-5. Ed. Richard Arthur Roberts. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1899. 362-378. British History Online. Web. 2 April 2020. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/home-office-geo3/1773-5/pp362-378.

From George Washington to John Hancock

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“This Letter will be deliver’d you by Jonathan Eddy Esq. the Gentlemen from Nova Scotia who I mention’d to you in mine of the 27th Ulto. He seem’d desirous of waiting on the Honorable Congress in Order to lay before them the state of public Affairs, and situation of the Inhabitants of that Province; and as it might be in his power to communicate many things personally, which could not be so well done by Letter, I incouraged him in his design and have advanced him fifty dollars to defrey his Expences—The Acadian accompanies him, and as they seem to be solid, judicious Men, I beg leave to recommend them both to the Notice of Congress, and am most respectfully Sir Your most obedient humble Servant”

“From George Washington to John Hancock, 1 April 1776,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-04-02-0007

From George Washington to John Hancock, March 27, 1776

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“I beg leave to Transmit you the copy of a petition from the Inhabitants of Nova Scotia, brought me by Jonathan Eddy Esq. mentioned therein, who is now here with an Accadian—From this It appears they are in a distressed situation, & from Mr Eddys account are exceedingly apprehensive that they will be reduced to the disagreable alternative of taking up Arms & Joining our Enemies, or to flee their Country, unless they can be protected against their Insults & oppressions—he says that their Committees think many salutary & valuable consequences wou’d be derived from Five or Six hundred men being sent there, as It wou’d not only quiet the minds of the people from the anxiety & uneasiness they are now filled with and enable ’em to take a part in behalf of the Colonies, but be the means of preventing the Indians (of which there are a good many) from taking the side of Government, and the Ministerial Troops from getting such supplies of provisions from thence as they have done—How far these good purposes wou’d be answered If such a force was sent as they ask for, is impossible to determine in the present uncertain state of things—For If the Army from Boston is going to Hallifax as reported by ’em before their departure, that or a much more considerable force wou’d be of no avail—If not, and they possess the friendly disposition to our cause, suggested in the petition & declared by Mr Eddy, It might be of great service, unless an other body of Troops shou’d be sent thither by Administration too powerfull for ’em to oppose—It being a matter of some Importance, I judged It prudent to lay It before Congress for their consideration, and requesting their direction upon the Subject, shall only add, If they determine to adopt It, that they will prescribe the number to be sent and whether It is to be from the Regiments which will be left here—I shall wait their decision & whatever it is, will indeavour to have It carried into execution.”

“From George Washington to John Hancock, 27 March 1776,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-03-02-0409-0001

To George Washington from a Citizen of Nova Scotia

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Lightly edited for legibility.

Cumberland Nova Scotia February 8th 1776

“Sir: You may Reasonably imagine that it is presumption in me to take such Liberty in writing your Excellency, still its Going from one whose principles are Actuated from A Genuine feeling of Liberty, and an Indelible Anxiety for the happiness of his Country, Animates an Assurance that it will meet, rather with a feeling of sympathy then Censure, more particular as it is Addressed to you sir who is at the head of that Army who is Opposing the mandates of a Corrupt and despotic ministry, whose Views and Intent Can be founded on no other principle, then to bring the subjects of Britain to an abject slavery, as the subjects of the most Arbitrary Eastern monarch—

Sensible I am of the Importance of this proceeding, my Inability of performing any thing in this Great struggle and the Danger I Expose myself and Family to, in being Treated with that accumulated Vengeance used by such men, who Are Actuated by public as well as private prejudices, Still my fear and dread is Yet more when I Consider the state of my Country, that by lying passive I Expose myself and posterity to be bound in Chains of slavery & Wretchedness not only that but have, that Infamous Epithet Entailed upon them, of being Like those sluggish & slothful wretches as Represented of the Tribe of Issachar, you will therefore pardon this Impudence of mine.

The Great Contest between Britain and America, has hitherto been only Treated with Speculation among us, a Spirit of Sympathy I presume for our brethren on the Continent reigns in the breasts of the Generality of the Inhabitants—with gladness and Cheerfulness would we be Active in the Glorious struggle; had our situation and Circumstances been any way such that there was the Least Glimpse of success, but our Remoteness from the other Colonies and our form of Government Joined with the Indigent Circumstances of the Inhabitants renders it in a manner Impossible without succor from some other quarter.

Time not permitting and my mind Impressed with Accumulated Troubles for Our situation, nor is it Necessary for the present Intention to Give a Detail of the different proceedings and managements of Government, so much will suffice as will give your Excellency an Idea of the Rise of our Impending Calamity if providence does not stir up some means to Avert it—the Generality of the province as I before mentioned sympathized with the Colonies—the Least Encouragement or Opportunity would have Excited the people to Join in the Defense of the Liberties of America, always Rejoicing when the[y] heard any flying Report that an Invasion was intended.

A Necessity there was that the Rulers in Government should use every mean and method to prevent giving uneasiness to the people if they had had a mind to Preserve peace, Yet notwithstanding the men at the Head of Government with their Emissaries, following the Example of their patrons the Ministry, stimulated with an Expectation of Recommending themselves by showing their Jealousness for the prerogative—Prompts on the Governour to Issue proclamations Laying Certain Restraints on the people—then Joining in Association offering their Lives and fortunes in the Defense of the supremacy of parliament, and then to Complete the matter advices the Governour to Call the Assembly together at a time when the small pox was raging at a great degree, many of the Country members Could not attend on Account of the Distemper—

A Bill was passed for Raising a Regiment By Ballot, and another for Raising a Tax to support them, The preamble to the Latter was such that in my View it Carried the greatest Implication of a Declaration of war against the Colonies, This flagrant proof of the Intention of these miscreants, roused a spirit among the people & public declarations was made, which before was not heard—some were immediately for applying to your Excellency—business was Entirely stagnated, nothing to be heard but war, This County in particular, The Inhabitants being Called to Appear by the Commanding Officer of Militia, They Complied with the order and when met, they all to a man Charged the Officers on their peril to draw a person—The Inhabitants then Agreed that an Address Remonstrance and petition be sent the Governour, praying the suspending the Execution of said Acts and to dissolve the house of Assembly & Call a new one to meet immediately, The Governour Gave no other Answer, then ordering the Officers of Militia & Tax Gatherers to Desist for the present the putting the Acts into Execution, on the receipt of this the County of Cumberland Again met and Resolved almost unanimous that it was no way satisfactory, and that it was only to delay time till a number of Troops Could be distributed through the different parts as we had sufficient Reason to Imagine so by the preparation & other Intelligences at Halifax, We have therefore again petitioned, pressing His Excellency the Governour to Answer our former Request by Dissolving the Assembly, and for the first time hinting to him our feeling for the Commotions in the British Empire &c.—

In this time some Recruiting parties Came among us, as also a person whom we have found to be a spy, these with others who Lives among us whose principle are Actuated by private prejudices besides their Enthusiasm for Arbitrary Authority are making strong Solicitations to have Troops sent among us, the fear of which has Occasioned much disorder and discontent among us many Are afraid of speaking—There is also among us several families which Lately Came from England, they in general speak something in favor of parliament are willing to submit to Little Taxes, as they have been Accustomed to pay so heavy ones in their own Country, these Encourages the minions of Government—We Can have no Certainty how matters Are passing, News are Constantly propagated to the disadvantage of the Americans, and of the Intentions & success of the other side, & that almost every foreign power intends Assisting Britain—sometimes we have a flying Report that the Americans has Allies to help them, but this is Generally stifled, all these things keeps us in a flutter.

The Straggling manner in which people has settled this New Country makes it very difficult and in a manner almost Impossible for them to Act either offensive or defensive, The people in General have Great families which will Occasion a lamentable scene should British Troops Arrive here before any succor Comes from your Excellency—We would Greatly Rejoice Could we be able to Join with the other Colonies, but we must have other Assistance before we Can Act Publicly—

I would observe to your Excellency Concerning the Acadians, I have dwelt among them near six & Twenty Years, I am well Acquainted with their manners & ways—I have taken Great pains in Conversing with them Concerning these Commotions, They Are to a man wholly Inclined to the Cause of America, I have often pitied them in their situation & the manner of proceedings Against them from time to time, I have made proposals to them & Promised if ever in my power to do my utmost for their Relief & to Lay the state of their matter before the Honorable the Continental Congress, not doubting but they would be Relived, by this Opportunity I have sent a young man belonging to themselves he may be able to Answer any Questions your Excellency may want to know.

A Committee was Chosen Lately by the Inhabitants to fall upon such methods As might be thought Conducive for the public safety—but on their meeting two or three times, suspicions Rise that they intended sending to the Continent, the News of which was sent immediately to Halifax—The Committee perceiving these things, found they Could not Continue As they subjected themselves to be made prisoners, they therefore Agreed to Lay aside the sending to New England as a Committee but if any should Choose to do any thing of themselves they might—The Bearer Captain Jonathan Eddy declared that he would immediately sett of by Land, and Lay our situation before your Excellency, a Number drew upon a small Incorrect address to Recommend him to your Excellency, he will no doubt fully prove that he is Capable for the undertaking—I have also at the same time sent two Frenchmen to Return immediately from Machias in Order to know what we Are to Expect.

(Jonathan Eddy (c.1727–1804), a native of Norton, Mass., participated in Lt. Col. John Winslow’s expedition to Nova Scotia in 1755 and settled there after the end of the French and Indian War. For Eddy’s efforts with John Allan to overthrow the royal government in Nova Scotia, see source note. In November 1776 Eddy attempted to capture Fort Cumberland in western Nova Scotia with a small force of men but failed. He returned to Massachusetts about 1777 and eventually settled in northern Maine.)

Your Excellency may see by this, with the other Information you may Receive, our situation, you have no doubt an Unlimited power to help the distress’d in this Critical time, I trust & Rely that this Joined with your own humane disposition, will Excite your Excellency to Give us Assistance.

Should your Excellency incline helping us, it would be Necessary to take Care how any Troops Comes, my Grand View in this is, to prevent the Effusion of blood for should it be known where they Came, I imagine that a force would be sent to Oppose—the present situation of the province Respecting force is very trifling & the fear our Great men is in Concerning an Invasion makes it more so, they have but about 1200 Regular Troops in Halifax, Including a Number of Raw Recruits from Newfoundland & other places—the 27th Regt Lately arrived is stationed in the Navel Yard & there Endeavoring to fortify Round the Town—but I think it is but trifling, We have this Comfort that should no other Troops Arrive they may not send up to molest us—had we at this present time Two or Three hundred men it would secure all that part of the province between this and Halifax and I am Convinced that that number would prevent 5000 from Coming through the woods—

Captain Eddy will make known to your Excellency the most suitable manner how to Interduce Troops—I am it may be said more particular in this, in Order to save some friends, one of my brothers is an Officer in the Regiment at Halifax, Galling As this is to me and the feeling of Anguish for this Calamity, will no ways deter me in my Pursuit for the welfare of the public, determined I am to prosecute the matter if God should spare me to Establish those Rights and privileges in this province which should by right be Enjoyed by every humane being—but should your Excellency with the Resolve of the Honorable the Continental Congress Determine not to Give any Assistance it must Occasion the most Direful and horrible Consequence—Let me Beseech your Excellency to help us, Give us an Opportunity of Joining with the other Colonies, it all depends on your bounty.

I must once more plead for your forgiveness for this Liberty I have taken as also Excuse the Incorrectness of my Writing, have not time to Copy and further must Earnestly Request your keeping this from the public, many other Information Could be given but the hurry of Departure of the bearer prevents my saying more, I Refer to him—Any Assistance I Can give your Excellency either by Intelligence or otherwise, I shall Esteem it an honor & duty to perform.

My best wishes for the success of your Arms, may the supreme Ruler of the Universe protect you may the Civil and Religious Liberties of America stand firm and unshaken to the Latest posterity Is my Earnest Prayer. I am with profound Respect Your Excellency’s most Devoted most Obedient & very humble servant”

This unsigned letter was probably written by John Allan (1747–1805), a prominent advocate of the American cause in Cumberland County, Nova Scotia. Allan’s parents brought him to Nova Scotia from Scotland in 1749 or 1750. As a youth he was apparently educated in Massachusetts, and in 1767 he married into one of the many New England families that had settled in Nova Scotia. During 1775 Allan and Jonathan Eddy began organizing resistance to the royal government in western Nova Scotia. Their hopes for an insurrection in early 1776 were disappointed when it became clear that most of their fellow citizens were unwilling to take up arms without military assistance from New England. It was to obtain that assistance that Eddy carried this letter and the Nova Scotia petition of this date to GW. For Eddy’s meeting with GW, see GW to Hancock, 27 Mar. 1776. Referred to Congress by GW, Eddy went to Philadelphia but could not convince the delegates to send a liberating army to Nova Scotia. In August 1776 Allan set out on a similar mission apparently hoping to succeed where Eddy had failed. On 22 Dec. 1776 Allan discussed his plan for attacking Nova Scotia with GW at his headquarters in Pennsylvania, and two weeks later he presented his scheme to Congress then meeting in Baltimore. Congress recommended to the Massachusetts council on 8 Jan. 1777 that 3,000 men be raised for an expedition to Nova Scotia, and on 15 Jan. Congress appointed Allan superintendent of the eastern Indians (Worthington Chauncey Ford et al., eds. Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789. 34 vols. Washington, D.C., 1904–37, 7:20, 38–39). The Massachusetts authorities offered Allan little support, however, and he raised only a few men for his expedition. In the summer of 1777 Allan tried to establish a post on the St. John River in present-day New Brunswick with his small force, but the arrival of a flotilla of British warships obliged him to retreat. Allan served as superintendent of the eastern Indians for the remainder of the war and was instrumental in keeping the British out of eastern Maine. He settled in Maine in 1784.

(The special session of the Nova Scotia assembly that Gov. Francis Legge (c.1719–1783) called in the fall of 1775 passed an act requiring one-fifth of the militia to be drafted into a regiment for the defense of the colony and another act imposing a tax for the support of that force. Several outlying areas of Nova Scotia, including Cumberland County, objected to these laws and petitioned the governor for their suspension. For excerpts from Cumberland County’s petition of 22–23 Dec. 1775, see Brebner, Neutral Yankees, 311–12. In a circular letter of 12 Jan. 1776 Legge agreed that the militiamen could remain at home until an actual invasion occurred and that the new tax should be deferred.)

“To George Washington from a Citizen of Nova Scotia, 8 February 1776,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-03-02-0192

Committee Report on Petition from Nova Scotia, November 9, 1775

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(On 2 Nov. the congress took cognizance of a petition from the inhabitants of Passamaquoddy, Nova Scotia, who had chosen a committee of safety and asked for admission into “the association of the North Americans, for the preservation of their rights and liberties.” To determine what steps should be taken in response, the congress named a committee of five: Silas Deane, John Jay, Stephen Hopkins, John Langdon, and John Adams. The Journals note that the committee’s report was considered on 9 Nov. but give nothing of its substance. The next day the congress acted on the report by adopting three resolutions. It is possible, of course, that the proposals here printed were only John Adams’s preliminary suggestions for a committee report; if so, they must have made their way into it, for some of the language appears in the congressional resolutions.)

“That a Number of Men be immediately Sent into Nova Scotia, to inform themselves of the Temper and Disposition of the Inhabitants of that Colony with respect to the Present Struggle between G. B. and these Colonies, and how far they may be willing or able to take an active Part in the present Dispute.”

(This paragraph was the basis for the first resolution adopted by the congress, which again borrowed some of John Adams’s phrasing. But the congress settled on two persons for the mission and listed several additional subjects for their inquiry: fortifications, docks, military stores, and the like. In short, the mission was to gather more than political information.)

“VI. Committee Report on Petition from Nova Scotia, 9 November 1775,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-03-02-0076-0007

From George Washington to the Massachusetts General Court, Aug 12, 1775

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“As to the Expedition proposed against Nova Scotia by the People of Machias; I cannot but applaud their Spirit & Zeal, but after considering the Reasons offered for it several Objections occur which seem to me unanswerable. I apprehend such an Enterprize inconsistent with the general Principle upon which the united Colonies have proceeded. It is true, that Province has not acceded to Measures of the Congress and they have therefore been excluded from all commercial ⟨Intercourse with the other Colonies; But they have⟩ not commenced Hostilities against them, nor are any to be apprehended: to attack them therefore is a Step of Conquest rather than Defence, & may be attended with very dangerous Consequences. It might perhaps be easy with the Force proposed to make an Incursion into the Province; to overawe those of the Inhabitants who are inimical to our Cause and for a short Time prevent their supplying the Enemy with Provisions, but the same Force must continue to produce any lasting Effects. As to the furnishing Vessels of any Force, you Gentlemen will anticipate me, in pointing out our Weakness, & the Enemy’s Strength. There would be great Danger, that with the best Preparation we could make, they would fall an easy Prey, either to the Man of War on that Station, or some who would be detached from Boston. I have been thus particular to satisfy any Gentlemen of the Court who incline to adopt the Measure: I could offer many other Reasons against it, some of which I doubt not will suggest themselves to the Honbe Board: But it is unnecessary to enumerate them, when our Situation as to Ammunition absolutely forbids our sending a single Ounce out of the Camp at present. I am with great Respect & Regard Gentlemen Your most Obedt and very Hbble Servt, Go: Washington”

(The Patriots at Machias in the District of Maine Proposed to seize Windsor, Nova Scotia [–at 44.9903° N…] with a force of one thousand men and a fleet consisting of four armed vessels and eight transports and then use the town as a rallying place for Patriot sympathizers in the province. A general uprising, they hoped, would ensue, enabling them to march on Halifax and take control of the provincial government. Although this expedition was not undertaken, a similar plan was put forward a few months later. See GW to Hancock, 30 Jan. 1776).

“From George Washington to the Massachusetts General Court, 12 August 1775,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-01-02-0199

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