Nova Scotia Constitutional Timeline

An expanded version of what’s put forth by the Nova Scotia legislature.

1493 – May 4, Alexander VI, Pope of Rome, issued a bull, granting the New World. Spain laid claim to the entire North American Coast from Cape Florida to Cape Breton, as part of its territory of Bacalaos.

1496 – March 5, Henry VII, King of England issued a commission to John Cabot and his sons to search for an unknown land

1498 – March 5,  Letters Patents of King Henry the Seventh Granted unto John Cabot and his Three Sonnes, Lewis, Sebastian and Sancius for the “Discouerie of New and Unknowen Lands”

1502 – Henry VII commissioned Hugh Eliot and Thomas Ashurst to discover and take possession of the islands and continents in America; “and in his name and for his use, as his vassals, to enter upon, doss, conquer, govern, and hold any Mainland or Islands by them discovered.”

1524 – Francis I, King of France, said that he should like to see the clause in Adam’s will, which made the American continent the exclusive possession of his brothers of Spain and Portugal, is said to have sent out Verrazzano, a Florentine corsair, who, as has generally been believed, explored the entire coast from 30° to 50° North Latitude, and named the whole region New France.

1534 – King Francis commissioned Jacques Cartier to discover and take possession of Canada; “his successive voyages, within the six years following, opened the whole region of St. Lawrence and laid the foundation of French dominion on this continent.”

1578 – June 11, Letters patent granted by Elizabeth, Queen of England to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, knight, for “the inhabiting and planting of our people in America”.

1584 – March 25, Queen Elizabeth renewed Gilbert’s grant to Sir Walter Raleigh, his half-brother. Under this commission, Raleigh made an unsuccessful attempt to plant an English colony in Virginia, a name afterwards extended to the whole North Coast of America in honor of the “Virgin” Queen.

1603 – November 8, Henry IV, King of France, granted Sieur de Monts a royal patent conferring the possession of and sovereignty of the country between latitudes 40° and 46° (from Philadelphia as far north as Katahdin and Montreal). Samuel Champlain, geographer to the King, accompanied De Monts on his voyage, landing at the site of Liverpool, N.S., a region already known as “Acadia.”

1606 – April 10, King James claimed the whole of North America between 34° and 45° North latitude, granting it to the Plymouth and London Companies. This entire territory was placed under the management of one council, the Royal Council for Virginia. The Northern Colony encompassed the area from 38° to 45° North latitude.

1620 – November 3, Reorganization of the Plymouth Company in 1620 as the Council of Plymouth for New England, encompassing from 40° to 48° North latitude.

1621 – September 29, Charter granted to Sir William Alexander for Nova Scotia

1625 – July 12, A grant of the soil, barony, and domains of Nova Scotia to Sir Wm. Alexander of Minstrie

1630 – April 30, Conveyance of Nova-Scotia (Port-royal excepted) by Sir William Alexander to Sir Claude St. Etienne Lord of la Tour and of Uarre and to his son Sir Charles de St. Etienne Lord of St. Denniscourt, on condition that they continue subjects to the king of Scotland under the great seal of Scotland.

1632 – March 29, Treaty between King Louis XIII. and Charles King of England for the restitution of the New France, Cadia and Canada and ships and goods taken from both sides. Made in Saint Germain

1638 – Grant to Charnesay and La Tour

1654 – August 16, Capitulation of Port-Royal

1656 – August 9, A grant by Cromwell to Sir Charles de Saint Etienne, a baron of Scotland, Crowne and Temple

1667 – July 31, The treaty of peace and alliance between England and the United Provinces made at Breda

1668 – February 17, Act of cession of Acadia to the King of France

1689 – English Bill of Rights enacted

1691, October 7, A charter granted by king William and Queen Mary to the inhabitants of the province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England

1713 – March 31, Treaty of peace and friendship between Louis XIV. King of France, and Anne, Queen of Great Britain, made in Utrecht

1713 – April 11, Treaty of navigation and commerce between Louis XIV, king of France, and Anne, Queen of Great Britain

1719 – June 19, Commission to Richard Philips to be Governor (including a copy of the 1715 Instructions given to the Governor of Virginia, by which he was to conduct himself)

1725 – August 26, Explanatory Charter of Massachusetts Bay

1725 – December 15, A treaty with the Indians (Peace and Friendship Treaty, ratification at Annapolis)

1727 – July 25, Ratification at Casco Bay of the Peace and Friendship Treaty of 1725

1728 – May 13, Ratification at Annapolis Royal of the Peace and Friendship Treaty of 1725

1748, October 7–18, The general and definitive treaty of peace concluded at Aix-la-Chapelle

1749 – September 4, Renewal of the Peace and Friendship treaty of 1725

1752 – November 22, Treaty between Thomas Hopson, Governor in Chief in and over His Majesty’s Province of Nova Scotia and Major Jean Baptiste Cope, Chief Sachem of the Tribe of the MickMack Indians inhabiting the Eastern Coast…

1758 – Nova Scotia Legislature established (consisting of the Lieutenant Governor, his Council and the newly established, elected legislative assembly called the House of Assembly)

1760 – March, Treaty of Peace and Friendship concluded by the Governor of Nova Scotia with Paul Laurent, Chief of the La Heve tribe of Indians

1761 – November 9, Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Jonathon Belcher and Francis Muis

1763 – February 10, France ceded, for the last time, the rest of Acadia, including Cape Breton Island (‘île Royale), the future New Brunswick and St John’s Island (later re-named Prince Edward Island), to British (Treaty of Paris) and it was joined to Nova Scotia

1763 – October 7, Royal Proclamation

1769 – Prince Edward Island established as a colony separate from Nova Scotia

1779 – September 22, Treaty signed at Windsor between John Julien, Chief and Michael Francklin, representing the Government of Nova Scotia

1784 – Cape Breton Island and New Brunswick established as colonies separate from Nova Scotia

1820 – Cape Breton Island re-joined to Nova Scotia

1838 – Separate Executive Council and Legislative Council established

1848 – Responsible government established in Nova Scotia (Members of the legislature had the ability to elect a majority of those in the Legislative council)

1867 – “Union” of provinces of Canada, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia as the “self-governing” federal colony of the Dominion of Canada (British North America Act, 1867 — now known in Canada as Constitution Act, 1867) & the Parliament of Canada established (consisting of the Queen, the Senate and the House of Commons)

1928 – Abolition of the Legislative Council (leaving the Legislature consisting of the Lieutenant Governor and the House of Assembly)

1931 – Canadian independence legally recognized (Statute of Westminster, 1931)

1960 – Canadian Bill of Rights enacted

1982 – patriation of the amendment of the Constitution of Canada & adoption of the Constitution Act, 1982, including the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (Canada Act 1982)

Jefferson, Thomas. Notes on the State of Virginia. J. Stockdale, 1787. https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/gdc/lhbcb/04902/04902.pdf

Legislature of the State of Maine. “The Revised Statutes of the State of Maine, Passed August 29, 1883, and Taking Effect January 1,1884.”, Portland, Loring, Short & Harmon and William M. Marks. 1884. https://lldc.mainelegislature.org/Open/RS/RS1883/RS1883_f0005-0017_Land_Titles.pdf

Kennedy, William P. Statutes, Treaties and Documents of the Canadian Constitution: 1713-1929. Oxford Univ. Pr., 1930. https://www.canadiana.ca/view/oocihm.9_03428

Harvard Law School Library. “Description Legislative history regarding treaties of commerce with France, Spain relating to New Foundland, Nova Scotia, and Cape Breton,” ca. 1715? Small Manuscript Collection, Harvard Law School Library. https://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HLS.LIBR:19686447, Accessed 07 June 2021

Thorpe, Francis Newton. “The Federal and State constitutions: colonial charters, and other organic laws of the States, territories, and Colonies, now or heretofore forming the United States of America” Washington : Govt. Print. Off. 1909. https://archive.org/details/federalstatecons07thor/page/n5/mode/2up

Murdoch, Beamish. “Epitome of the laws of Nova-Scotia” [Halifax, N.S.? : s.n.], 1832 (Halifax, N.S. : J. Howe) Volume One: https://www.canadiana.ca/view/oocihm.59437, Volume Two: https://www.canadiana.ca/view/oocihm.59438, Volume Three: https://www.canadiana.ca/view/oocihm.59439, Volume Four: https://www.canadiana.ca/view/oocihm.59440

Marshall, John G. “The justice of the peace, and county and township officer in the province of Nova Scotia : being a guide to such justice and officers in the discharge of their official duties” [Halifax, N.S.? : s.n.], 1837 (Halifax [N.S.] : Gossip & Coade) https://www.canadiana.ca/view/oocihm.36869, Second Edition: https://www.canadiana.ca/view/oocihm.38224

Livingston, Walter Ross. Responsible Government In Nova Scotia: a Study of the Constitutional Beginnings of the British Commonwealth. Iowa City: The University, 1930. https://hdl.handle.net/2027/wu.89080043730https://archive.org/details/responsiblegover0000livi

Bourinot, John George. “The constitution of the Legislative Council of Nova Scotia” [S.l. : s.n., 1896?] https://archive.org/details/cihm_10453/page/141, https://www.canadiana.ca/view/oocihm.10453/14?r=0&s=1

Laing, David, editor. “Royal letters, charters, and tracts, relating to the colonization of New Scotland, and the institution of the Order of knight baronets of Nova Scotia. -1638“. [Edinburgh Printed by G. Robb, 1867] https://archive.org/details/royallettersc11400lainuoft

Labaree, Leonard Woods. “Royal Instructions to British Colonial Governors 1670–1776“. Vol. I and Vol. II. The American Historical Association. (New York : D. Appleton-Century Company, 1935) https://archive.org/details/royalinstruction0001laba, https://archive.org/details/royalinstruction0002laba

Beamish Murdoch, “On the origin and sources of the Law of Nova Scotia” (An essay on the Origin and Sources of the Law of Nova Scotia read before the Law Students Society, Halifax, N.S., 29 August 1863), (1984) 8:3 DLJ 197. https://digitalcommons.schulichlaw.dal.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1399&context=dlj

Shirley B. Elliott, “An Historical Review of Nova Scotia Legal Literature: a select bibliography”, Comment, (1984) 8:3 DLJ 197. https://digitalcommons.schulichlaw.dal.ca/dlj/vol8/iss3/12/

An historical geography of the United States

1606:

King James’ Patent of 1606, Dividing Virginia into two parts.

The patents of the Plymouth and London companies in 1606 extended 100 miles from the coast and overlapped each other three degrees of latitude (from 38° to 41°.) Neither company however was to make a settlement within 100 miles of one already made by the other.”

[Norumbega noted on this map].

[Reading the patent itself it states “situate, lying, and being all along the Sea Coasts, between four and thirty (34°) Degrees of Northerly Latitude from the Equinoctial Line, and five and forty (45°) Degrees of the same Latitude, and in the main Land between the same four and thirty and five and forty Degrees, and the Islands thereunto adjacent, or within one hundred Miles of the Coast thereof”.

Hinted on the map, though not shaded along with the rest of the Plymouth Company lands unlike in earlier works, is the fact that 45° latitude also traverses across Nova Scotia, which, despite being a peninsula, is undoubtedly a part of the mainland. Is this revision meant to satiate those to the north, or their proprietors, after their “Confederation”? If this were a one-off I’d more less likely to attribute it to any kind of an arrangement, but there are other sources which confirm this earlier view. Even if Nova Scotia were an island and not connected to the mainland, it would still be within 50 miles of the seacoast of the shaded area, let alone 100 miles.]

[This might provide insight into the rationale behind naming conventions used for certain communities in Nova Scotia, such as “Virginia East”.]

Virginia East, Nova Scotia
Virginia East, Nova Scotia

1609-1620:

“Reorganization of the Plymouth Company in 1620 as the Council of Plymouth for New England.

The Virginia charter of 1609 bounded the London Company to the land between points 200 miles north and 200 miles south of Point Comfort, throughout from sea to sea, “west and northwest.” The Plymouth charter of 1620 fixed the limits of Plymouth Company between 40° and 48°.”

1640:

“French claims”

1655:

“French claims”

1660:

“Barony of New Scotland”

“Council of Plymouth, of New England. Grants by the Council:

1621 To Sir W. Alexander, Lordship and Barony of New Scotland (Nova Scotia)

1635 To Sir W. Alexander, Pemaquid and Islands of Long, Nantucket and Martha’s Vineyard.”

1664:

“Grants to the Duke of York”

1763:

“Massachussetts until 1696”

[There were other English colonies that existed in 1763 not included in this map. While they did not go on to become part of the United States, they were fellow colonies, at least up until ‘the commencement of hostilities’.]

Maccoun, Townsend. An historical geography of the United States. [New York, Boston etc. Silver, Burdett & company, 1911] Map. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, www.loc.gov/item/11031776/

The history of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, from the first settlement thereof in 1628, until its incorporation…in 1691

Not just any old moldering title, but that of the second last royalist governor of Massachusetts, Thomas Hutchinson. Written in 1765, at a time when all of the colonies were kindred, just previous to the implementation of the Stamp Act. Although specifically written on the history of Massachusetts, that Nova Scotia was once affixed ensures the inclusion of numerous details.


It is observable that all the colonies, before the reign of King Charles the second, Maryland excepted, settled a model of government for themselves. Virginia had been many years distracted under the government of presidents and governors, with councils in whose nomination or removal the people had no voice, until in the year 1620 a house of burgesses broke out in the colony; the King nor the grand council at home not having given any powers or directions for it.

— The governor and assistants of the Massachusetts at first intended to rule the people, and, as we have observed, obtained their consent for it, but this lasted two or three years only; and although there is no colour for it in the charter, yet a house of deputies appeared suddenly, in 1634, to the surprize of the magistrates and the disappointment of their schemes for power. — Connecticut soon after followed the plan of the Massachusetts. — New-Haven, altho’ the people had the highest reverence for their leaders and for near 30 years in judicial proceeding submitted to the magistracy (it must however be remembered that it was annually elected) without a jury, yet in matters of legislation the people, from the beginning, would have their share by their representatives. — New Hampshire combined together under the same form with Massachusetts, — Lord Say tempts the principal men of the Massachusetts, to make them and their heirs nobles and absolute governors of a new colony; but, under this plan, they could find no people to follow them. — Barbadoes and the leeward islands, began in 1625, struggled under governors and councils and contending proprietors for about 20 years. Numbers suffered death by the arbitrary sentences of courts martial, or other acts of violence, as one side or the other happened to prevail. At length, in 1645, the assembly was called, and no reason given but this, viz. That, by the grant to the Earl of Carlisle, the inhabitants were to enjoy all the liberties, privileges and franchises of English subjects, and therefore, as it is also expressly mentioned in the grant, could not legally be bound or charged by any a without their own consent. This grant, in 1627, was made by Charles the first, a Prince not the most tender of the subjects liberties. After the restoration there is no instance of a colony settled without a representative of the people, nor any attempt to deprive the colonies of this privilege, except in the arbitrary reign of King James the second. The colonies, which are to be settled in the new acquired countries, have the fullest assurance, by his Majesty’s proclamation, that the same form of government shall be established there. Perhaps the same establishment in Canada, and the full privileges of British subjects conferred upon the French inhabitants there, might be the means of firmly attaching them to the British interest; and civil liberty tend also to deliver them by degrees from their religious slavery.

The inhabitants of Acadie or Nova-Scotia lived, above forty years after the reduction of Port Royal under the government of their priests. No form of civil government was established, and they had no more affection for England than for Russia. The military authority served as a watch to prevent confederacies or combinations. The people indeed chose more or less deputies from each canton or division, but their only business seems to have been to receive orders from the governor, and to present petitions to him from the people. Temporal offences, unless enormous, and all civil controversies were ordinarily adjudged and determined by their spiritual fathers. I asked some of the most sensible of the Acadians, what punishment’s the priests could inflict to answer the ends of government. They answered me by another question. What can be a greater punishment than the forfeiture of our salvation? In no part of the Romish church the blind persuasion, of the power of the priest to save or damn, was ever more firmly riveted; and although these Acadians have, for eight years past, been scattered through the English colonies, yet I never could hear of one apostate or so much as a wavering person among them all: and if the Canadians are treated in the same manner, they will probably remain under the same infatuation.”


About this time [1644], much division and disturbance in the colony was occasioned by the French of Acadie and Nova-Scotia. It is necessary to look back upon the state of those countries. After Argall dispossessed the French in 1613, they seem to have been neglected both by English and French, until the grant to Sir William Alexander in 1621. That he made attempts and began settlements in Nova-Scotia has always been allowed, the particular voyages we have no account of. It appears from Champlain, that many French had joined with the English or Scotch, and adhered to their interest. Among the rest, La Tour was at Port Royal in 1630, where out of seventy Scots, thirty had died the winter before from their bad accommodations. La Tour, willing to be safe, let the title be in which it would, English or French, procured from the French King a grant of the river St. John, and five leagues above and five below, and ten leagues into the country; this was in 1627.

This appears from a list of the several grants made to La Tour, communicated to governor Pownall by Monsieur D’Entremont a very ancient French inhabitant of Acadie descended from La Tour, and who was removed to Boston in 1756 and died in a few years after. At the same time he was connected with the Scotch, and first obtained leave to improve lands and build within the territory, and then, about the year 1630, purchased Sir William Alexander’s title. La Tour’s title is said to have been confirmed to him under the great seal of Scotland, and that he obtained also a grant of a baronettage of Nova-Scotia. It is probable the case was not just as represented. King Charles in 1625 confirmed Alexander’s grant, under whom La Tour settled Penobscot, and all the country westward and southward, was at this time in the possession of the English. In 1632, La Tour obtained from the French King a grant of the river and bay of St. Croix and islands and lands adjacent, twelve leagues upon the sea and twenty leagues into the land. The French commissaries speak of this grant as made to Razilly.

By the treaty of St. Germains, the same year, Acadie was relinquished by the English, and La Tour became dependent upon the French alone. In 1634, he obtained a grant of the isle of Sables ; another of ten leagues upon the sea and ten into the land at La Have; another of Port Royal the fame extent; and the like at Menis, with all adjacent islands included in each grant. Razilly had the general command, who appointed Monsieur D’Aulney de Charnify his Lieutenant of that part of Acadie west of St. Croix, and La Tour of that east. In consequence of this division, D’Aulney came, as has been related, and dispossessed the English at Penobscot in the year 1635. Razilly died soon after, and D’Aulney and La Tour both claimed a general command of Acadie and made war upon one another. D’Aulney, by the French King’s letter to him in 1638, was ordered to confine himself to the coast of the Etechemins, which in all his writings he makes to be a part of Acadie. La Tour’s principal fort was at St. John’s. As their chief views were the trade with the natives, being so near together, there was a constant clashing of interest. In November 1641, La Tour sent Rochet, a protestant of Rochel, to Boston from St. John’s, with proposals for a free trade between the two colonies, and desiring assistance against D’Aulney; but not having sufficient credentials, the governor and council declined any treaty, and he returned. The next year, October 6, there came to Boston a shallop from La Tour, with his Lieutenant and 14 men, with letters full of compliment, desiring aid to remove D’Aulney from Penobscot, and renewing the proposal of a free trade. They returned without any assurance of what was principally desired, but some merchants of Boston sent a pinnace after them to trade with La Tour at the river St. John. They met with good encouragement, and brought letters to the governor, containing a large state of the controversy between D’Aulney and La Tour, but stopping at Pemaquid in their way home, they found D’Aulney upon a visit there, who wrote to the governor and sent him a printed copy of an arrêt he had obtained from France against La Tour, and threatened, that if any vessels came to La Tour he would make prize of them. The next summer (June 12) La Tour himself came to Boston, in a ship with 140 persons aboard, the matter and crew being protestants of Rochel. They took a pilot out of a Boston vessel at sea, and coming into the harbour saw a boat with Mr. Gibbon’s lady and family, who were going to his farm. One of the Frenchmen, who had been entertained at the house, knew her, and a boat being manned to invite her aboard, she fled to Governor’s island and the Frenchmen after her, where they found the governor and his family, who were all greatly surprized, as was the whole colony when they heard the news.

The town was so surprized, that they were all immediately in arms, and three shallops filled with armed men were lent to guard the governor home. Had it been an enemy, he might not only have secured the governor’s person, but taken possession of the castle opposite to the island, there not being a single man at that time to defend the place . This occasioned new regulations for the better security of the place. The castle was rebuilt in 1644, at the charge of the six neighbouring towns.

La Tour acquainted the governor, that this ship coming from France, with supplies for his fort, found it blocked up by D’Aulney his old enemy, and he was now come to Boston to pray aid to remove him. La Tour had cleared up his conduct, so as to obtain a permission under the hands of the Vice Admiral and Grand Prior, &c. for this ship to bring supplies to him, and in the permission he was stiled the King’s Lieutenant General in Acadie. He produced also letters from the agent of the company in France, advising him to look to himself and to guard against the designs of D’ Aulney. The governor called together such of the magistrates and deputies as were near the town, and laid before them La Tour’s request. They could not, consistent with the articles they had just agreed to with the other governments, grant aid without their advice; but they did not think it necessary to hinder any, who were willing to be hired, from aiding him, which he took very thankfully ; but some being displeased with these concessions, the governor called a second meeting, where, upon a more full debate, the first opinion was adhered to.

Some of the magistrates, deputies and elders, were much grieved at this proceeding. A remonstrance to the governor was drawn up and signed by Mr. Saltonstall, Mr. Bradstreet, and Mr. Symonds of the magistrates, and Mr. Nath. Ward, Ezekiel Rogers, Nathanael Rogers and John Norton of the elders ; wherein they condemn the proceeding, as impolitic and unjust, and set forth “that they should expose their trade to the ravages of D’AuIney, and perhaps the whole colony to the resentment of the French King, who would not be imposed upon by the distinction of permitting and commanding force to assist La Tour ; that they had no sufficient evidence of the justice of his cause, and in causa dubia bellum non est suscipiendum ; that La Tour was a papist attended by priests, friars. Sec. and that they were in the case of Jehoshaphat who joined with Ahab an idolater, which act was expressly condemned in scripture.

La Tour hired four ships of force, and took 70 or 80 volunteers into his pay, with which assistance he was safely landed at his fort, and D’Aulney fled to Penobscot, where he ran his vessels ashore; and although the commander of the ships refused to attack him, yet some of the soldiers joined with La Tour’s men in an assault upon some of D’Aulney’s men, who had intrenched themselves; but were obliged to betake themselves to flight, having three of their number slain. The ships returned in about two months, without any loss. The governor excused the proceeding to D’Aulney, as not having interested himself in the quarrel between them, but only permitted La Tour, in his distress, as the laws of Christianity and humanity required, to hire ships and men for his money, without any commission or authority derived from the government of the colony. D’Aulney went to France, and, being expected to return the next summer 1644, with a great force, La Tour came again to Boston, and went from thence to Mr. Endicot, who was then governor and lived at Salem, and who appointed a meeting of magistrates and ministers to consider his request. Most of the magistrates were of opinion that he ought to be relieved as a distressed neighbour, and in point of prudence, to prevent so dangerous an enemy as D’Aulney from strengthening himself in their neighbourhood; but it was finally agreed, that a letter should be wrote to D’Aulney, to enquire the reason of his having granted commissions to take their people, and to demand satisfaction for the wrong he had done to them and their confederates, in taking Penobscot, and in making prize of their men and goods at the Isle of Sables; at the same time intimating, that although these people who went the last year with La Tour, had no commission, yet if D’Aulney could make it appear they had done him any wrong (which they knew nothing of) satisfaction should be made ; and they expected he should call in all his commissions, and required his answer by the bearer. They likewise acquainted him, that their merchants had entered into a trade with La Tour, which they were resolved to support them in. La Tour being able to obtain nothing further, returned to his fort. Some of the province of Maine going this summer (1644) from Saco to trade with La Tour, or to get in their debts, put in at Penobscot in their way, and were detained prisoners a few days ; but for the fake of Mr. Shurt of Pemaquid, one of the company, who was well known to D’Aulney, they were released. La Tour afterwards prevailed upon Mr. Wanneston, another of the company, to attempt, with about twenty of La Tour’s men, to take Penobscot, for they heard the fort was weakly manned and in want of victuals. They went first to a farm house of D’Aulney ’s about six miles from the fort. They burned the the house and killed the cattle, but Wanneston being killed at the door, the rest of them came to Boston. In September, letters were received from D’Aulney informing that his master the King of France understanding that the aid allowed to La Tour, the last year, by the Massachusetts, was procured by means of a commission which he shewed from the Vice-Admiral of France, had given in charge that they should not be molested, but good correspondence should be kept with them and all the English, and that, as soon as he had settled some affairs, he intended to let them know what further com-mission he had, &c. Soon after, he lent a commissioner, supposed to be a friar, but dressed in lay habit, with ten men to attend him, with credentials and a commission under the great seal of France, and copy of some late proceedings again! La Tour, who was proscribed as a rebel and traitor, having fled out of France again against special order. The governor and magistrates urged much a reconciliation with La Tour, but to no purpose. La Tour pretended to be a Huguenot, or at least to think favourably of that religion, and this gave him a preference in the esteem of the colony to D’Aulney; but as D’Aulney seemed to be established in his authority, upon proposals being made by him of peace and friendship, the following articles were concluded upon, viz,. The agreement between John Endicott, Esq; governor of New-England, and the rest of the magistrates there, and Monsieur Marie commissioner of Monsieur D’Aulney, Knt. governor and lieut. general for his Majesty the King of France in Acadie, a province of New France, made and ratified at Boston in the Massachusetts aforesaid, October 8, 1644.

“The Governor and all the rest of the magistrates do promise to Mr. Marie, that they, and all the rest of the English within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, shall observe and keep firm peace with Monsieur D’Aulney, &C. and all the French under his command in Acadie. And likewise, the said M. Marie doth promise in the behalf of Monk D’Aulney, that he and all his people shall also keep firm peace with the governor and magistrates aforesaid, and with all the inhabitants of the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts aforesaid; and that it shall be lawful for all men, both the French and English to trade with each other , so that if any occasion of offence should happen, neither part shall attempt any thing against the other in any hostile manner, until the wrong be first declared and complained of, and due satisfaction not given. Provided always, the governor and magistrates aforesaid be not bound to restrain their merchants from trading with their ships with any persons, whether French or others, wheresoever they dwell. Provided also, that the full ratification and conclusion of this agreement be referred to the next meeting of the commissioners of the united colonies of New-England, for the continuation or abrogation, and in the mean time to remain firm and inviolable. This agreement freed the people from the fears they were under of ravages upon their small vassals and out plantations. La Tour was suffered to hire a vessel to carry a supply of provisions to his fort ; which vessel he took under his convoy and returned home.

The agreement made with D’Aulney was afterwards ratified by the commissioners of the united colonies, but he proved a very troublesome neighbor notwithstanding. In 1645 he made prize of a vessel, belonging to the merchants of Boston going to La Tour with provisions, and sent the men home (after he had stripped them of their cloaths and kept them ten days upon an island) in a small old boat, without either compass to steer by or gun to defend themselves. The governor and council dispatched away a vessel with letters to expostulate with him upon this action, complaining of it as a breach of the articles, and requiring satisfaction; but he wrote back in very high and lofty language, and threatened them with the effects of his master’s displeasure. They replied to D’Aulney, that they were not afraid of any thing he could do to them ; and as for his master, they knew he was a mighty prince, but they hoped he was just as well as mighty, and that he would not fall upon them without hearing their cause, and if he should do it, they had a God in whom to trust when all other help failed. With this ship D’Aulney made an attempt the same year upon La Tour’s fort while he was absent, having left only 50 men-in it; his lady bravely defended it, and D’Aulney returned disappointed and charged the Massachusetts with breach of covenant in entertaining, La Tour and sending home his lady. They excused themselves in a letter, by replying, that La Tour had hired three London ships which lay in the harbour. To this letter D’AuIney refused at first to return any answer, and refused to suffer the messenger, Capt. Allen, to come within his fort; but, at length, wrote in a high strain demanding satisfaction for his mill which had been burnt and threatening revenge. When the commissioners met in September, they agreed to send capt. Bridges to him, with the articles of peace ratified by them, and demanding a ratification from him under his own hand. D’Aulney entertained their messenger with courtesy and all the state he could, but refused to sign the articles, until the differences between them were composed ; and wrote back, that he perceived their drift was to gain time, whereas if their messengers had been furnished with power to have treated with him and concluded about their differences, he doubted not all might have been composed, for he stood more upon his honour than his interest, and he would sit still until the spring expecting their answer.

The general court, upon considering this answer, resolved to send the deputy governor Mr. Dudley, Major Demson and Capt. Hawthorn, with full powers to treat and determine, and wrote to D’AuIney, acquainting him with their resolution, and that they had agreed to the place he desired, viz. Penobscot or Pentagoet, and referred the time to him, provided it should be the month of September. This was opposed by some, as too great a condescension, and they would have had him come to the English settlement at Pemaquid; but his commission of lieutenant-general for the King or France was thought by others to carry so much dignity with it, that it would be no dishonour to the colony to go to his own home ; but it seems he was too good a husband to put himself to the expense of entertaining the messengers, and wrote in answer that he perceived they were now in earnest and desired peace, as he did also for his part, and he thought himself highly honored by their vote to send so many of their principal men to him; but desired he might spare them the labour, and he would fend two or three of his to Boston, in August following (1646) to hear and determine, &c. On the 20th of September, Messrs. Marie, Lewis, and D’Aulney’s secretary, arrived at Boston in a small pinnace, and it being Lord’s day, two officers were sent to receive them at the water side and to conduct them to their lodgings without any noise, and after the public worship was over, the governor sent Major Gibbons, with other gentlemen and a guard of musketeers to attend them to his house, where they were entertained. The next morning they began upon business, and every day dined in public, and were conduced morning and evening to and from the place of treaty with great ceremony. Great injuries were alleged on both sides, and after several days spent, an amnesty was agreed upon.

One Capt. Cromwell had taken in the West Indies a rich sedan made for the Vice Roy of Mexico, which he gave to Mr. Winthrop : This was sent as a present to D’Aulney, and well accepted by his commissioners, the treaty renewed, and all matters amicably settled. In the mean time, D’Aulney effectually answered his main purpose, for by his high language he kept the colony from assisting La Tour, took his fort from him, with ten thousand pounds sterling in furs and other merchandise, ordnance stores, plate, jewels, &c. to the great loss of the Massachusetts merchants, to one only of whom (Major Gibbons) La Tour was indebted 2500l. which was wholly lost. La Tour went to Newfoundland, where he hoped to be aided by Sir David Kirk, but was disappointed, and came from thence to Boston, where he prevailed upon some merchants to send him with four or five hundred pounds sterling in goods to trade with the Indians in the bay of Fundy. He dismissed the English, who were sent in the vessel, and never thought proper to return himself or render any account of his consignments. D’Aulney died before the year 1652, and La Tour married his widow, and repossessed himself, in whole or in part, of his former estate in Nova Scotia ; and in 1691, a daughter of D’Aulney and a canoness at St. Omers dying, made her brothers and fillers La Tours her general legatees. Under them, and by force of divers confirmations of former grants made by Lewis the 14th, between the peace of Ryswick and that of Utrecht, D’Entremant aforementioned claimed a great part of the province of Nova Scotia and of the country of Acadie. Of part of those in Nova Scotia he was possessed, when all the French inhabitants were removed by order of admiral Boscawen and general Lawrence.

Sir Thomas Temple came first to New-England in 1657, having, with others, obtained from Oliver a grant of lands in Acadie or Nova Scotia, of which he was made Governor. He was recommended by Nathaniel Fiennes, son to Lord Say. Mr. Fiennes calls him his near kinsman. The King having recommended, by a letter Feb. 22d 1665, to the governor and council, an expedition against Canada, the court in their answer to Lord Arlington, July 17th 1666, say that “having consulted with Sir Thomas Temple, governor of Nova Scotia, and with the governor of Connecticut (Mr. Winthrop, who had lately been in England) they concluded it was not feazable at present, as well in respect of the difficulty, if not impossibility of a land march over the rocky mountains, and howling deserts, about four hundred miles, as the strength of the French there, according to reports.

From 1666 to 1670 Mr. Bellingham was annually chosen governor, and Mr. Willoughby deputy governor. Nova-Scotia and the rest of Acadie, which had been rescued from the French by Cromwell, were restored by the treaty of Breda. The French made little progress in settling this country. The only inconvenience the Massachusetts complained of, until after the revolution, was the encouragement given to the Indians to make their inroads upon the frontiers. Sir Thomas Temple who, with others had a grant of the country first from Cromwell, and afterwards from King Charles, thought he had reason to complain, and the King’s order was repeated to him, to give up his forts to the French, some pretense being made for not complying with the first order.

Hutchinson, Thomas. The History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. 1765. https://archive.org/details/historyofcolonyo00hutc/page/94/mode/2up

“American history: comprising historical sketches of the [indigenous] tribes”

“The [Mi’kmaq], first called by the French Souriqu’ois, held possession of Nova Scotia and the adjacent isles, and were early known as the active allies of the French.

Marquis de la Roche
In 1598, the Marquis de la Roche, a French nobleman, received from the King of France a commission for founding a French colony in America. Having equipped several vessels, he sailed with a considerable number of settlers, most of whom, however, he was obliged to draw from the prisons of Paris. On Sable island, a barren spot near the coast of Nova Scotia, forty men were left to form a settlement.

La Roche dying soon after his return, the colonists Fate were neglected; and when, after seven years, a vessel was sent to inquire after them, only twelve of them were living. The dungeons from which they had been liberated were preferable to the hardships which they had suffered. The emaciated exiles were carried back to France, where they were kindly received by the king, who pardoned their crimes, and made them a liberal donation.

De Monts
In 1603, the king of France granted to De Monts, a gentleman of distinction, the sovereignty of the country from the 40th to the 46th degree of north latitude; that is, from one degree south of New York city, to one north of Montreal. Sailing with two vessels, in the spring of 1604, he arrived at Nova Scotia in May, and spent the summer in trafficking with the natives, and examining the coasts preparatory to a settlement.

Selecting an island near the mouth of the river St. Croix, on the coast of New Brunswick, he there erected a fort and passed a rigorous winter, his men suffering much from the want of suitable provisions. ‘In the following spring, 1605, De Monts removed to a place on the Bay of Fundy; and here was formed the first permanent French settlement in America. The settlement was named Port Royal, and the whole country, embracing the present New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and the adjacent islands, was called Acadia.

North and South Virginia
In 1606 James the 1st, of England, claiming all that portion of North America which lies between the 34th and the 45th degrees of north latitude, embracing the country from Cape Fear to Halifax, divided this territory into two nearly equal districts; the one, called North Virginia, extending from the 41st to the 45th degree; and the other, called South Virginia, from the 34th to the 38th.

The former he granted to a company of “Knights, gentlemen, and merchants,” of the west of England, called the Plymouth Company; and the latter to a company of “noblemen, gentlemen, and merchants,” mostly resident in London, and called the London Company. The intermediate district, from the 38th to the 41st degree, was open to both companies; but neither was to form a settlement within one hundred miles of the other.


…Early in the following year, 1690, Schenectady was burned; the settlement at Salmon Falls, on the Piscataqua, was destroyed; and a successful attack was made on the fort and settlement at Casco Bay. In anticipation of the inroads of the French, Massachusetts had hastily fitted out an expedition, under Sir William Phipps, against Nova Scotia, which resulted in the easy conquest of Port Royal.

Early in 1692 Sir William Phipps returned with a new charter, which vested the appointment of governor in the king, and united Plymouth, Massachusetts, Maine, and Nova Scotia, in one royal government. Plymouth lost her separate government contrary to her wishes; while New Hampshire, which had recently placed herself under the protection of Massachusetts, was now forcibly severed from her.

In 1707 Massachusetts attempted the reduction of Port Royal; and a fleet conveying one thousand soldiers was sent against the place; but the assailants were twice obliged to raise the siege with considerable loss. Not disheartened by the repulse, Massachusetts spent two years more in preparation, and aided by a fleet from England, in 1710 again demanded the surrender of Port Royal. The garrison, weak and dispirited, capitulated after a brief resistance; the name of the place was changed to Annapolis, in honor of Queen Anne; and Acadia, or Nova Scotia, was permanently annexed to the British crown.

The most important event of (King George’s War) in America, was the siege and capture of Louisburg. This place, situated on the island of Cape Breton, had been fortified by France at great expense, and was regarded by her as the key to her American possessions, William Shirley the governor of Massachusetts, perceiving the importance of the place, and the danger to which its possession by the French subjected the British province of Nova Scotia, laid before the legislature of the colony a plan for its capture. Although Strong objections wore urged, the govenor’s proposals were assented to; Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire, furnished their quotas of men; New York sent a supply of artillery, and Pennsylvania of provisions. Commodore Warren, then in the West Indies with an English fleet, was invited to co-operate in the enterprise, but he declined doing so without orders from England. This unexpected intelligence was kept a secret, and in April, 1745, the New England forces alone, under William Pepperell, commander-in-chief, and Roger Wolcott, second in command, sailed for Louisburg.

At Causcau they were unexpectedly met by the fleet of Commodore Warren, who had recently received orders to repair to Boston, and concert measures with Governor Shirley for his majesty’s service in North America. On the 11th of May the combined forces, numbering more than 4000 land troops, came in sight of Louisburg, and effected a landing at Gabarus Bay, which was the first intimation the French had of their danger. On the day after the landing a detachment of four hundred men marched by the city and approached the royal battery, setting fire to the houses and stores on the way. The French, imagining that the whole army was coming upon them, spiked the guns and abandoned the battery, which was immediately seized by the New England troops. Its guns were then turned upon the town, and against the island battery at the entrance of the harbor.

As it was necessary to transport the guns over a morass, where oxen and horses could not be used, they were placed on sledges constructed for the purpose, and the men with ropes, sinking to their knees in the mud, drew them safely over. Trenches were then thrown up within two hundred yards of the city,—a battery was erected on the opposite side of the harbor, at the Light House Point and the fleet of Warren captured a French gunship, with five hundred and sixty men, and a great quantity of military stores designed for the supply of the garrison. A combined attack by sea and land was planned for the 29th of June, but, on the day previous, the city, fort, and batteries, and the whole island, were surrendered. This was the most important acquisition which England made during the war, and, for its recovery, and the desolation of the English colonies, a powerful naval armament under the Duke d’Anville was sent out by France in the following year. But storms, shipwrecks, and disease, enfeebled the fleet, and blasted the hopes of the enemy.

In 1748 the war was terminated by the treaty of Aix la Chapelle. The result proved that neither party had gained any thing by the contest; for all acquisitions made by either were mutually restored. But the causes of a future and more important war still remained in the disputes about boundaries, which were left unsettled; and the “French and Indian War” soon followed, which was the last struggle of the French for dominion in America.

Expeditions of Monckton, Braddock, Shirley, and Sir William Johnson.
Early in 1755, General Braddock arrived from Ireland, with two regiments of British troops, and with the authority of commander-in-chief of the British and colonial forces. At a convention of the colonial governors, assembled at his request in Virginia, three expeditions were resolved upon; one against the French at Fort du Quesne, to be led by General Braddock himself; a second against Niagara, and a third against Crown Point, a French post on the western shore of Lake Champlain.

While preparations were making for these expeditions, an enterprise, that had been previously determined undertaken. upon, was prosecuted with success in another quarter. About the last of May, Colonel Monckton sailed from Boston, with three thousand troops, against the French settlements at the head of the Bay of Fundy, which were considered as encroachments upon the English province of Nova Scotia. Landing at Fort Lawrence, on the eastern shore of Chignecto, a branch of the Bay of Fundy, a French block-house was carried by assault, and Fort Beausejour surrendered, after an investment of four days. The name of the fort was then changed to Cumberland. Fort Gaspereau, on Bay Verte, or Green Bay, was next taken; and the forts on the New Brunswick coast were abandoned. In accordance with the views of the governor of Nova Scotia, the plantations of the French settlers were laid waste; and several thousands of the hapless fugitives, ardently attached to their mother country, and refusing to take the oath of allegiance to Great Britain, were driven on board the British shipping, at the point of the bayonet, and dispersed, in poverty, through the English colonies.


Nova Scotia, according to its present limits, forms a large peninsula, separated from the continent by the Bay of Fundy, and its branch Chignecto, and connected with it by a narrow isthmus between the latter bay and the Gulf of St. Lawrence. The peninsula is about 385 miles in length from northeast to southwest, and contains an area of nearly sixteen thousand square miles. The surface of the country is broken, and the Atlantic coast is generally barren, but some portions of the interior are fertile.

The settlement of Port Royal, (now Annapolis) by De Monts, in 1605, and also the conquest of the country by Argall, in 1614, have already been mentioned. France made no complaint of Argall’s aggression, beyond demanding the restoration of the prisoners, nor did Britain take any immediate measures for retaining her conquests. But in 1621 Sir William Alexander, afterwards Earl of Stirling, obtained from the king, James I, a grant of Nova Scotia and the adjacent islands, and in 1625 the patent was renewed by Charles I., and extended so as to embrace all Canada, and the northern portions of the United States. In 1623 a vessel was despatched with settlers, but they found the whole country in the possession of the French, and were obliged to return to England without effecting a settlement.

In 1628, during a war with France, Sir David Kirk, who had been sent out by Alexander, succeeded in reducing Nova Scotia, and in the following year he completed the conquest of Canada, but the whole country was restored by treaty in 1632.

The French court now divided Nova Scotia among three individuals, La Tour, Denys, and Razillai, and appointed Razillai commander-in-chief of the country. The latter was succeeded by Charnise, between whom and La Tour a deadly feud arose, and violent hostilities were for some time carried on between the rivals. At length, Charnise dying, the controversy was for a time settled by La Tour’s marrying the widow of his deadly enemy, but soon after La Borgne appeared, a creditor of Charnise, and with an armed force endeavored to crush at once Denys and La Tour. But after having subdued several important places, and while preparing to attack St. John, a more formidable competitor presented himself.

Cromwell, having assumed the reins of power in England, declared war against France, and, in 1654, despatched an expedition against Nova Scotia, which soon succeeded in reducing the rival parties, and the whole country submitted to his authority. La Tour, accommodating himself to circumstances, and making his submission to the English, obtained, in conjunction with Sir Thomas Temple, a grant of the greater part of the country. Sir Thomas bought up the share of La Tour, spent nearly 30,000 dollars in fortifications, and greatly improved the commerce of the country; but all his prospects were blasted by the treaty of Breda in 1667, by which Nova Scotia was again ceded to France

The French now resumed possession of the colony, which as yet contained only a few unpromising settlements, the whole population in 1680 not exceeding nine hundred individuals. The fisheries, the only productive branch of business, were carried on by the English. There were but few forts, and these so weak that two of them were taken and plundered by a small piratical vessel. In this situation, after the breaking out of the war with France in 1689, Acadia appeared an easy conquest. The achievement was assigned to Massachusetts, In May, 1690, Sir William Phipps, with 700 men, appeared before Port Royal, which soon surrendered; but he merely dismantled the fortress, and then left the country a prey to pirates. A French commander arriving in November of the following year, the country was reconquered, simply by pulling down the English and hoisting the French flag.

Soon after, the Bostonians, aroused by the depredations of the French and [indigenous] on the frontiers, sent a body of 500 men, who soon regained the whole country, with the exception of one fort on the river St. John. Acadia now remained in possession of the English until the treaty of Ryswick in 1697, when it was again restored to France.

It was again resolved to reduce Nova Scotia, and the achievement was again left to Massachusetts, with the assurance that what should be gained by arms would not again be sacrificed by treaty.

The peace of 1697 was speedily succeeded by a declaration of war against France and Spain in 1702. It was again resolved to reduce Nova Scotia, and the achievement was again left to Massachusetts, with the assurance that what should be gained by arms would not again be sacrificed by treaty. The first expedition, despatched in 1704, met with little resistance, but did little more than ravage the country. In 1707 a force of 1000 soldiers was sent against Port-Royal, but the French commandant conducted the defence of the place with so much ability, that the assailants were obliged to retire with considerable loss. In 1710 a much larger force, under the command of General Nicholson, appeared before Port Royal, but the French commandant, having but a feeble garrison, and declining to attempt a resistance, obtained an honorable capitulation. Port Royal was now named Annapolis. From this period Nova Scotia has been permanently annexed to the British crown.

The [Mi’kmaq] of Nova Scotia, who were warmly attached to the French, were greatly astonished on being informed that they had become the subjects of Great Britain. Determined, however, on preserving their independence, they carried on a long and vigorous war against the English. In 1720 they plundered a large establishment at Canseau, carrying off fish and merchandise to the amount of 10,000 dollars; and in 1723 they captured at the same place, seventeen sail of vessels, with numerous prisoners, nine of whom they deliberately and cruelly put to death.

As the [Mi’kmaq] still continued hostile, the British inhabitants of Nova Scotia were obliged to solicit aid from Massachusetts, and in 1728 that province sent a body of troops against the principal village of the Norridgewocks, on the Kennebec. ‘The enemy were surprised, and defeated with great slaughter, and among the slain was Father Ralle, their missionary, a man of considerable literary attainments, who had resided among the [Mi’kmaq] forty years. By this severe stroke the [Mi’kmaq] were overawed, and for many years did not again disturb the tranquility of the English settlements.

In 1744 war broke out anew between England and France. The French governor of Cape Breton immediately attempted the reduction of Nova Scotia, took Canseau, and twice laid siege to Annapolis, but without effect. The English, on the other hand, succeeded in capturing Louisburg, the Gibraltar of America, but when peace was concluded, by the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, in 1748, the island of Cape Breton was restored to France.

After the treaty, Great Britain began to pay more attention to Nova Scotia, which had hitherto been settled relation almost exclusively by the French, who, upon every rupture between the two countries, were accused of violating their neutrality. In order to introduce a greater proportion of English settlers, it was now proposed to colonize there a large number of the soldiers who had been discharged in consequence of the disbanding of the army, and in the latter part of June, 1749, a company of nearly 4000 adventurers of this class was added to the population of the colony.

To every private was given fifty acres of land, with ten additional acres for each member of his family. A higher allowance was granted to officers, till it amounted to six hundred acres for every person above the degree of captain, with proportionable allowances for the number and increase of every family. The settlers were to be conveyed free of expense, to be furnished with arms and ammunition, and with materials and utensils for clearing their lands and erecting habitations, and to be maintained twelve months after their arrival, at the expense of the government.

The emigrants having been landed at Chebucto harbor, under the charge of the Honorable Edward Cornwallis, whom the king had appointed their governor, they immediately commenced the building of a town, on a regular plan, to which the name of Halifax was given, in honor of the nobleman who had the greatest share in funding the colony. The place selected for the settlement possessed a cold, sterile and rocky soil, yet it was preferred to Annapolis, as it was considered more favorable for trade and fishery, and it likewise possessed one of the finest harbors in America. “Of so great importance to England was the colony deemed, that Parliament” continued to make annual grants for it, which, in 1755, had amounted to the enormous sum of nearly two millions of dollars.

But although the English settlers were thus firmly established, they soon found themselves unpleasantly situated. The limits of Nova Scotia had never been defined, by the treaties between France and England, with sufficient clearness to prevent disputes about boundaries, and each party was now striving to obtain possession of a territory claimed by the other. The government of France contended that the British dominion, according to the treaty which ceded Nova Scotia, extended only over the present peninsula of the same name; while, according to the English, it extended over all that large tract of country formerly known as Acadia, including the present province of New Brunswick. Admitting the English claim, France would be deprived of a portion of territory of great value to her, materially affecting her control over the River and Gulf of St. Lawrence, and greatly endangering the security of her Canadian possessions.

When, therefore, the English government showed a disposition effectually to colonize the country, the French settlers began to be alarmed; and though they did not think proper to make an open avowal of their jealousy, they employed their emissaries in exciting the [Mi’kmaq] to hostilities in the hope of effectually preventing the English from extending their plantations, and, perhaps, of inducing them to abandon their settlements entirely. The [Mi’kmaq] even made attacks upon Halifax, and the colonists could not move into the adjoining woods, singly or in small parties, without danger of being shot and scalped, or taken prisoners.

In support of the French claims, the governor of Canada sent detachments, which, aided by strong bodies of [Mi’kmaq] and a few French Acadians, erected the fort of Beau Sejour on the neck of the peninsula of Nova Scotia, and another on the river St. John, on pretence that these places were within the government of Canada. Encouraged by these demonstrations, the French inhabitants around the bay of Chignecto rose in open rebellion against the English government, and in the spring of 1750 the governor of Nova Scotia sent Major Lawrence with a few men to reduce them to obedience. At his approach, the French abandoned their dwellings, and placed themselves under the protection of the commandant of Fort Beau Sejour, when Lawrence, finding the enemy too strong for him, was obliged to retire without accomplishing his object.

Soon after, Major Lawrence was again detached with 1000 men, but after driving in the outposts of the enemy, he was a second time obliged to retire. To keep the French in check, however, the English built a fort on the neck of the peninsula, which, in honor of its founder, .was called Fort Lawrence.Still the depredations of the [Mi’kmaq] continued, the French erected additional forts in the disputed territory, and vessels of war, with troops and military stores, were sent to Canada and Cape Breton, until the forces in both these places became a source of great alarm to the English.

At length, in 1755, Admiral Boscawen commenced the war, which had long been anticipated by both parties, by capturing on the coast of Newfoundland two French vessels, having on board eight companies of soldiers and about 35,000 dollars in specie. Hostilities having thus begun, a force was immediately fitted out from New England, under Lieutenant Colonels Monckton and Winslow, to dislodge the enemy from their newly erected forts. The troops embarked at Boston on the 20th of May, and arrived at Annapolis on the 25th, whence they sailed on the 1st of June, in a fleet of forty-one vessels to Chignecto, and anchored about five miles from Fort Lawrence.

On their arrival at the river Massaguash, they found themselves opposed by a large number of regular forces, rebel Acadians, and [Mi’kmaq], 450 of whom occupied a block-house, while the remainder were posted within a strong outwork of timber. The latter were attacked by the English provincials with such spirit that they soon fled, when the garrison deserted the block-house, and left the passage of the river free. Thence Colonel Monckton advanced against Fort Beau Sejour, which he invested on the 12th of June, and after four days bombardment compelled it to surrender.

Having garrisoned the place, and changed its name to that of Cumberland, he next attacked and reduced another French fort near the mouth of the river Gaspereau, at the head of Bay Verte or Green Bay, where he found a large quantity of provisions and stores, which had been collected for the use of the [Mi’kmaq] and Acadians. A squadron sent against the post on the St. John, found it abandoned and destroyed. The success of the expedition secured the tranquility of all French Acadia, then claimed by the English under the name of Nova Scotia.

The peculiar situation of the Acadians, however, was a subject of great embarrassment to the local government of the province. In Europe, the war had begun unfavorably to the English, while General Braddock, sent with a large force to invade Canada, had been defeated with the loss of nearly his whole army. Powerful reenforcements had been sent by the French to Louisburg and other posts in America, and serious apprehensions were entertained that the enemy would next invade Nova Scotia, where they would find a friendly population, both European and [Mi’kmaq].

The French Acadians at that period amounted to Seventeen or eighteen thousand. They had cultivated a considerable extent of land, possessed about 60,000 head of cattle, had neat and comfortable dwellings, and lived in a state of plenty, but of great simplicity. They were a peaceful, industrious, and amiable race, governed mostly by their pastors, who exercised a parental authority over them; they cherished a deep attachment to their native country, they had resisted every invitation to bear arms against it, and had invariably refused to take the oath of allegiance to Great Britain. Although the great body of these people remained tranquilly occupied in the cultivation of their lands, yet a few individuals had joined the [Mi’kmaq], and about 300 were taken in the forts, in open rebellion against the government of the country.

Under these circumstances, Governor Lawrence and his council, aided by Admirals Boscawen and Mostyn, assembled to consider what disposal of the Acadians the security of the country required. Their decision resulted in the determination to tear the whole of this people from their homes, and disperse them through the different British colonies, where they would be unable to unite in any offensive measures, and where they might in time be-come naturalized to the government. Their lands, houses, and cattle, were, without any alleged crime, declared to be forfeited; and they were allowed to carry with them only their money and household furniture, both of extremely small amount.

Treachery was necessary to render this tyrannical scheme effective. The inhabitants of each district were commanded to meet at a certain place and day on urgent business, the nature of which was carefully concealed from them; and when they were all assembled, the dreadful mandate was pronounced,—and only small parties of-them were allowed to return for a short time to make the necessary preparations. They appear to have listened to their doom with unexpected resignation, making only mournful and solemn appeals, which were wholly disregarded. When, however, the moment of embarkation arrived, the young men, who were placed in front, absolutely refused to move and it required files of soldiers, with fixed bayonets, to secure obedience.

No arrangements had been made for their location elsewhere, nor was any compensation offered for the property of which they were deprived. They were merely thrown on the coast at different points, and compelled to trust to the charity of the inhabitants, who did not allow any of them to be absolutely starved. Still, through hardships, distress, and change of climate, a great proportion of them perished. So eager was their desire to return, that those sent to Georgia had set out, and actually reached New York, when they were arrested.

They addressed a pathetic representation to the English government, in which, quoting the most solemn treaties and declarations, they proved that their treatment had been as faithless as it was cruel. No attention, however, was paid to this document, and so guarded a silence government was preserved by the government of Nova Scotia, upon the subject of the removal of the Acadians, that the records of the province make no allusion whatever to the event.

Notwithstanding the barbarous diligence with which this mandate was executed, it is supposed that the banished number actually removed from the province did not exceed 7000. The rest fled into the depths of the forests, or to the nearest French settlements, enduring incredible hardships. To guard against the return of the hapless fugitives, the government reduced to ashes their habitations and property, laying waste even their own lands, with a fury exceeding that of the most savage enemy.

In one district, 236 houses were at once in a blaze. The Acadians, from the heart of the woods, beheld all they their homes possessed consigned to destruction; yet they made no movement till the devastators wantonly set their chapel on fire. They then rushed forward in desperation, killed about thirty of the incendaries, and then hastened back to their hiding-places.

But few events of importance occurred in Nova Scotia during the remainder of the French and Indian War, at the close of which, France was compelled to the transfer to her victorious rival, all her possessions on the American continent. Relieved from any farther apprehensions from the few French remaining in the country, the provincial government of the province made all the efforts of which it was Capable to extend the progress of cultivation and settlement, though all that could be done was insufficient to fill Up the dreadful blank that had already been made.

After the peace, the case of the Acadians naturally came Under the view of the government. No advantage had been derived from their barbarous treatment, and there remained no longer a pretext for continuing the persecution. They were, therefore, allowed to return, and to receive lands on taking the customary oaths, but no compensation was offered them for the property of which had been plundered. Nevertheless, a few did return, although, in 1772, out of a French population of seventeen or eighteen thousand which once composed the colony, there were only about two thousand remaining.

In 1758, during the administration of Governor Lawrence, a legislative assembly was given to the people of Nova Scotia. In 1761 an important [indigenous] treaty was concluded when the natives agreed finally to bury the hatchet, and to accept George III, instead of the king formerly owned by them, as their great father and friend. The province remained loyal to the crown during the war of the American Revolution, at the close of which, its population was greatly augmented by the arrival of a large number of loyalist refugees from the United States. Many of the new settlers directed their course to the region beyond peninsula, which, thereby acquiring a great increase of importance, was, in 1784, erected into a distinct government, under the title of New Brunswick. At the same time, the island of Cape Breton, which had been united with Nova Scotia since the capture of Louisburg in 1748, was erected into a separate government, in which it remained until 1820, when it was re-annexed to Nova Scotia.

The most interesting portions of the history of Nova Scotia, it will be observed, are found previous to the peace of 1763, which put a final termination to the colonial wars between France and England. Since that period the tranquillity of the province has been seldom interrupted, and, under a succession of popular governors, the country has continued steadily to advance in wealth and prosperity.

In 1729 the colony (of Newfoundland) was withdrawn from its nominal dependence on Nova Scotia, from which period until 1827 the government of the island was administered by naval commanders appointed to cruise on the fishing station, but who returned to England during the winter. Since 1827 the government has been administered by resident governors; and in 1832, at the earnest solicitation of the inhabitants, a representative assembly was granted them.”

Willson, Marcius. “American history: comprising historical sketches of the Indian tribes”. Cincinnati, W. H. Moore & co.; 1847. https://www.loc.gov/item/02003669/

Gt. Brit. Sovereigns, etc., 1660-1685. (Charles II) MS.(unsigned, contemporary copy); Whitehall, 6 Aug 1669

434015076

“Contains chiefly correspondence of British proprietor and governor of Nova Scotia Thomas Temple and his nephew John Nelson concerning land claims in Nova Scotia and the French role in Canada”

Temple, Thomas, 1614-1674. Thomas Temple correspondence concerning Nova Scotia, 1656-1768. Gt. Brit. Sovereigns, etc., 1660-1685. (Charles II) MS.(unsigned, contemporary copy); Whitehall, 6 Aug 1669. MS Am 1249 (10). Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. https://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:FHCL.HOUGH:33504408?n=1

Gt. Brit. Sovereigns, etc., 1660-1685. (Charles II) MS.s.(Edw. Nicholas); Hampton Court, 7 Jul 1662

434015048

“Contains chiefly correspondence of British proprietor and governor of Nova Scotia Thomas Temple and his nephew John Nelson concerning land claims in Nova Scotia and the French role in Canada”

Temple, Thomas, 1614-1674. Thomas Temple correspondence concerning Nova Scotia, 1656-1768. Gt. Brit. Sovereigns, etc., 1660-1685. (Charles II) MS.s.(Edw. Nicholas); Hampton Court, 7 Jul 1662. MS Am 1249 (5). Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. https://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:FHCL.HOUGH:33504380?n=1

America and West Indies Colonial Papers: June 1661

These papers outline the case of Thomas Temple and William Crowne, who became proprietors of Nova Scotia in 1656. Initially, Lord de La Tour sought their assistance in reclaiming Nova Scotia from Cromwell, ultimately transferring his rights to Temple and Crowne. La Tour’s claim to Nova Scotia was based on his long-term presence in the region since 1621, initially granted by Sir William Alexander and later confirmed by King Charles I. However, disputes with the French and English led to various conflicts, including the seizure of La Tour’s forts by Major Sedgwick, which were later restored by Cromwell.

In response to the claim, Thomas Elliot argues that the King’s grant to Temple and Crowne is invalid because the King was not in possession at the time of the grant, and La Tour was considered an alien. Elliot’s counsel requests the government and trade privileges granted to Temple and Crowne be transferred to them.

The reply asserts the King’s right to grant territories even without possession and defends Temple and Crowne’s long-standing presence and investments in Nova Scotia. It suggests that granting free trade to strangers would undermine the existing plantation. Additionally, Temple and Crowne seek reimbursement for payments made for damages and purchases related to their proprietary rights.

Further details include an agreement between Temple and Crowne regarding the division of lands and trade privileges, with Crowne possessing territories westward and Temple having trade rights on the River Dumache.


Statement of the case of Thomas Temple and William Crowne, and how they became proprietors of Nova Scotia. In 1656, when the Lord de La Tour was compounding with Cromwell to get his country of Nova Scotia again, but not being able to pay what Cromwell required, he requested Temple and Crowne to undertake it for him, and so by the advice of Sir Orlando Bridgeman, La Tour by deed conveyed all his right and title in Nova Scotia, with all his profits and privileges, to said Temple and Crowne and their heirs and assigns for ever, the consideration to pay 1,800l. to Cromwell’s soldiers, then in La Tour’s forts ; 3,376l. 18s. to the relict of Major Gibbons, of New England, for redemption of mortgage on La Tour’s fort of St. John’s, the 20th skin of all furs taken within said country, and the 20th part of the increase of the earth, free from all charge.

Accordingly they took possession and built houses, and to regain a house taken by the French cost men’s lives and 10,000l. La Tour’s title :As a discoverer 55 years since, where he built his fort upon the river of St. John, and bath continually dwelt. In 1621 Sir Wm. Alexander obtained a grant of all Nova Scotia to him, his heirs and assigns for ever, with power to create baronets to encourage planting, which in 1625 was confirmed by Charles I. In 1630 Sir Wm., then Lord, Sterling, conveyed part of Nova Scotia to La Tour and his father, and their heirs and assigns for ever, with certain privileges under the Great Seal of Scotland, and both Lord La Tour and his father were made baronets of Nova Scotia.

Lord Sterling two or three years after surrendered Port Royal to the French, for which the King “gave him the Great Seal for 10,000l., not yet paid as ’tis said.” Port Royal was not within La Tour’s grant from Sterling. The French made war upon La Tour at Fort St. John ; he mortgages it to Major Gibbons at New England, but during his absence his fort was surprised by one Doney [D’Aulney] of Port Royal, his men were put to the sword, and his lady was poisoned. La Tour repairs to the King of France for justice, but on his return to Port Royal finds D’Aulney dead, and Port Royal and Penobscot were surrendered to La Tour on his marrying D’Aulney’s widow, and he has enjoyed that part ever since. Major Sedgwick without orders takes La Tour’s forts, kills his men, demolishes his chief fort, plunders him to above 10,000l. in value, and brings him to Cromwell, who restores La Tour to his forts and country upon payment of the sums aforesaid.

La Tour for constant adherence to the King of England and being a Protestant is condemned as a traitor in France, and if taken will suffer death, and therefore doubts not of receiving protection in England. Temple and Crowne, the proprietors of Nova Scotia, present certain proposals to the consideration of their Lordships [the Committee of Foreign Plantations], that they be reimbursed the moneys they have paid, or keep the whole trade to themselves, paying to the King 5 per cent. on all goods carried out of the country. They implore a suitable strength against the natives, that they may remain where they have purchased and built in said country, and have liberty to collect their debts from the [Mi’kmaq], which are above 1,000l. There are no families considerable upon the place but the two proprietors. Indorsed, “Received 22 June 1661.” 3 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XV., No. 64.]

Report of the Committee of Council appointed by the King to examine the pretensions of such persons as claim interest in Nova Scotia or L’Acadie. Thos. Elliot, the plaintiff, claims by a warrant from his Majesty. Thos. Temple and Wm. Crowne, the defendants, by right of discovery, the King’s grant, and many years’ possession. The Committee, having upon the 17th of this present June heard the several parties, find :That on 10th Sept. 1621 King James granted Nova Scotia to Sir Wm. Alexander. King Charles continued this grant 1625. Sir Wm. granted on the 12th April 1630 to De La Tour part of the territories, by the names of two baronies, St. Estienne and La Tour, on condition they should remain faithful to the King of Scotland. A deed of 20th Sept. 1656 from La Tour recites the former grant, and grants to Tho. Temple and Willm. Crowne all the lands, paying the 20th of all pelts and profits of the earth ; and of this they have since been possessed. In 1639 Sir Claude and Sir Chas. St. Estienne, father and son, were made baronets of Nova Scotia for good service. Port Royal and Penobscot were granted by the French for 30,000l. damages about St. John’s Fort, and the French King has condemned La Tour as a traitor.

They yield the Dominion of Nova Scotia to the King, and the power of sending a Governor, and offer 5 per cent. customs to support the charge. Quebec they claim not. Mr. Elliott’s counsel allege : That the King was not in possession at the time of his grant, so his grant is void ; and that Sir Wm. Alexander’s grant to La Tour is void, the French being then in possession ; in 1629 the English took all ; in 1632 the French were restored, and La Tour was made Governor ; in 1656 Cromwell having recovered it, passed it to La Tour, Temple, and Crowne ; La Tour held it against Cromwell for the King of France ; Sir Wm. Alexander’s grant to La Tour is void, because to an alien. Elliot’s counsel desire the government and trade as it was granted to Temple and Crowne by virtue of the King’s warrant. Reply : The King may grant by the law of nations what he is not in possession of, and empower to take possession. He that discovers and yields a country to the King of Scotland is therein equal with a native of his dominions. To give free trade to strangers would overthrow the Plantation, but if it be judged of public advantage to discourage and remove the present planters after so many years’ settlement, they desire that the 5,712l. which they paid to those before them for damages and purchases of the propriety may be first paid to them. Indorsed, “Report of the Committee of Council for Nova Scotia, 17 June 1661.” 2 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XV., No. 65.]

Copy of the preceding. Indorsed by Joseph Williamson, Nova Scotia, but without date. [Col. Papers, Vol. XV., No. 66.]

Another copy of the above signed R[ichard] B[lathwayt]. With a memorandum, That by an agreement between Sir Thos. Temple and Wm. Crowne, dated 12th September 1657, it is provided that Crowne shall possess all lands westward from the mouth of the River Dumache alias Machias for 100 leagues into the country, to Muscentus on the confines of New England, and into the sea 30 leagues with all islands, and particularly the Port of Pentagouet or Penobscot, and the sole trade with the natives. That Temple shall have the sole trade on the River Dumache for the 100 leagues mentioned, provided Crowne pay at the due terms five moose and five beaver skins, as part of the honorarium due to Cromwell and heirs, and the 20th part of all furs and fruits to Sir Charles. Signed Stephen La Tour. “Memorandum. The interest of Maj. Edward Gibbons.” Indorsed, The case of Elliot, La Tour, Crowne, and Temple, abt. Nova Scotia. 3 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XV., No. 67.]

“America and West Indies: June 1661.” Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 5, 1661-1668. Ed. W Noel Sainsbury. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1880. 35-42. British History Online. Web. 2 April 2020. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol5/pp35-42.

America and West Indies Colonial Papers: October 1733, 16-31

The document is a summary of discussions and recommendations regarding the land rights and defense considerations in Nova Scotia and other British colonies in America. It begins with a representation on Mrs. Campbell’s petition regarding land rights in Nova Scotia, tracing back to the original grants by French kings and subsequent confirmations. Despite missing documents, evidence suggests Mrs. Campbell’s rightful claim to lands and quit rents. It proposes compensating her for quit rents and reinstating her possession.

Moving on, it addresses security concerns in British colonies, particularly vulnerability to French attacks. It discusses potential threats to various islands, including the Leeward Islands, Barbados, and Jamaica, highlighting weaknesses in defenses and suggesting reinforcements. It stresses the importance of Jamaica, urging efforts to increase its population and fortify defenses.

The document also discusses defense strategies for the Bahama Islands and the potential threat posed by French settlements surrounding Nova Scotia. It suggests recruiting settlers from Newfoundland and other areas to populate Nova Scotia and strengthen its defense.


Council of Trade and Plantations to Committee of Privy Council. Representation upon petition of Mrs. Campbell. Continue : We have discoursed hereupon with Coll. Philips, H.M. Governour of Nova Scotia, and likewise with Mrs. Campbell the petitioner, who hath laid before us several papers and affidavits relating to her title to the aforesaid lands and quit rents in Nova Scotia, from whence it appears, That in 1631 the Most Christian King Lewis XIII gave the Government of Nova Scotia or Accadie to Monsieur Charles de St. Estienne, Sieur de la Tour, grandfather to the petitioner, who had Letters Patents granted to him thereupon.

What the particulars contained in the said Letters Patent were, does not appear, because no copies of them have been produced to us, but upon the death of Lewis XIII, his son Lewis XIV etc. having been informed of the progress and improvements made in Accadie by the said Sieur de la Tour was pleased by new Letters Patents bearing date February 25th, 1651, to confirm him in the post of Governour and Lieutenant General of Accadie or New France and likewise in the full and free possession of all the lands which had been before granted to him in that Province with full power to dispose of them to whom and in such proportions as he should think proper ; as appears by a printed copy of the said Patent which refers to the former of 1631, and for want of that former Patent it cannot be ascertained whether the whole Province or what part thereof was granted to the said de la Tour.

It would seem that the second Patent of 1651 was issued by way of confirmation of La Tour’s title just after he had been acquitted of certain charges alledged against him ; for the petitioner hath produced to us a decree made for that purpose by the Masters of Requests in the French King’s Court and Chancery bearing date the ninth day of February of the same year 1651, and in this decree mention is likewise made of a former Commission granted to the Sieur de la Tour dated Feb. 8th, 1631, constituting him Lieutenant General for the French King in the said Province of Accadie, Fort St. John, Port de la Tour, and the places dependant upon them.

This decree was confirmed by the French King’s Order in Council dated the 26th of the same month, and the said Sieur de Tour was thereby absolved from all accusations which had been preferred against him for treason or maladministration in his government of Accadie and reinstated and maintained in the full possession and enjoyment of all the lands which had been acquired by him or in his name in the said territory of Accadie or New France. Under the authority of these Letters Patents and of the decree of the Masters of Requests and Chancery confirmed by the French King’s Order in Council Mrs. Campbell alledges that the said De la Tour, her grandfather, for the good of the State and for the encouragement of those who desired to settle in this new colony, as well as in conformity to the intention of the King his master, distributed part of the lands he had acquired in the Province under his government at a very low rate to the new inhabitants, upon certain conditions or Articles made with them in his own name or in the names of his attornies or agents, which contracts were either plundered and taken away from the Petitioner, or burned in the last descent and invasion of the [Mi’kmaq] in Nova Scotia, in which the Petitioner’s first husband was killed.

She supposes however that copies of these contracts might be found in some of the publick offices in Nova Scotia, and that altho’ they should be entirely lost, yet her long possession with the successive and uncontested payments of rents to her, down to the years 1729 and 1730, would be sufficient proofs for the support of her present claim. The aforesaid Charles de St. Estienne de la Tour being dead, the petitioner alledges, that his only son the petitioner’s father succeeded him in all his estates, titles, possessions, honours and privileges, which he continued to enjoy peaceably to the time of his death in the year 1704, leaving several children his heirs who enjoyed his inheritance under the guardianship of their mother until the year 1713, when the Province of Nova Scotia was yielded to Great Britain by the 12th Article of the Treaty of Utrecht.

By the 14th Article of that Treaty, it was expressly provided that the subjects of the King of France in Nova Scotia should have liberty to remove themselves within the term of one year to any other place if they should think fit, with all their moveable effects, but that such as should be willing to remain there and be subject to the Kingdom of Great Britain, should enjoy the free exercise of their religion, according to the usage of the Church of Rome, as far as the laws of Great Britain do allow the same. But her late Majesty Queen Anne was pleased by her letter to General Nicholson bearing date the 23rd day of June, 1713, in consideration of the French King’s having at her request released some of his Protestant subjects from the galleys to allow the French inhabitants in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland to hold their lands or dispose of them if they thought fit etc. Letter from Queen to Governor Nicholson quoted. (v. C.S.P. 23rd June, 1713).

Continues: Hereupon soon after the publication of the foregoing letter in Nova Scotia, the several brothers and sisters of the Petitioner’s coheirs of the land and premises in question retired into the neighbouring Provinces under the domination of France, and left the Petitioner who would not abandon her country, sole proprietor in possession of all their lands and rents, under certain conditions agreed upon amongst themselves. The conveyances which were made to the Petitioner upon this occasion have been produced to us and bear date November 9th, 1714. The Petitioner sets forth that notwithstanding the refusal made by the inhabitants of Minis to pay her the rents to which they were engaged by their articles because she durst not go thither to compel them for fear of the [Mi’kmaq] , by whom she was seized about seven years ago, and run a very great hazard of being massacred, the revenue ariseing to her from thence amounted to 80 or 90 pounds sterling p. annum which she offers to confirm by oath, not being able at present to give better evidence of the value of the income arising from the said rents ; and she likewise further avers that her lands are now set for a 20th part of their real value.

To prove her possession and enjoyment of the lands and premises in question, the petitioner produces two orders under the hand of the aforesaid Governor Philipps dated July 5th, 1721, and Sept. 19th, 1722, by which all the inhabitants and landholders are ordered to pay her the rents stipulated in their contracts. She likewise produces a certificate subscribed and sworn to by the Reverend Mr. Robert Cuthbert, sometime minister of Annapolis Royal where the Petitioner resided, as Chaplain to Colonel Philipp’s regiment, who deposes that during his residence at Annapolis he was well acquainted with the Petitioner etc. who was seized and possessed of a large estate of inheritance lying in and about Annapolis Royal in Nova Scotia and was reputed and esteemed both by English and French and other the inhabitants thereabouts to be Lady of the Mannor lands and premises situated as aforesaid and to be legally intitled thereto, and as such received the rents and profits thereof during this deponent’s stay there ; and this deponent saith that he hath been present and several times seen the rents and profits of the premises aforesaid paid to her from the French, and believes that in her own name she gave proper and legal receipts and discharges for the same, and that the said Agatha Campbell held and enjoyed the aforesaid lands and premises without any interruption or molestation and free from any claim or demand whatsoever during this deponent’s residence there.

The Petitioner hath likewise produced to us three affidavits of Mary Barton, John Welch and William Tipton, who severally depose that they have lived many years at Annapolis Royal during which time they were well acquainted with the Petitioner etc. and that during their abode in Nova Scotia she was acknowledged sole Lady of the Manour, lands and premises of all the inhabited parts of that Province and that in her own right she received the rents and acknowledgements thereof from the inhabitants enjoying the same without molestation, and that she was a Protestant of the Church of England and greatly beloved by the inhabitants her tenants, as will appear more largely by the said affidavits etc. annexed. Having heard what the petitioner had to alledge in support of her claim, we thought it proper upon this occasion to discourse with Governor Philipps etc., by whom most of the facts alledged by the Petitioner in support of her right have been confirmed, particularly as to the value of the quit rents, and her receipt of them, as the rightful proprietor thereof, and that she would have continued to do so to this day but that a stop was put thereto in 1730 in consequence of H.M. orders upon a representation from the said Colonel Philipps till Mrs. Campbell’s title should be further enquired into and H.M. pleasure be known thereupon.

We have also examined the Histories of this Country and searched the books of our office with respect to the facts alledged by the Petitioner, from whence it appears amongst other things, that in the year 1621 the country of Nova Scotia was granted by King James 1st to Sir William Alexander, afterwards Earl of Sterling, who took possession thereof, drove out the French who had encroached upon it, and planted a colony there. That in the year 1630 the said Sir William Alexander sold his right to Nova Scotia to Monsieur Claude de la Tour, a French Protestant, to be held by him and his successors under the Crown of Scotland. That about the year 1631 King Charles 1st made some sort of concession of the said country to the Crown of France, reserving nevertheless the right of the Proprietor who had before enjoyed it.

That in 1633 notwithstanding this last mentioned concession the said King Charles 1st by Letters Patents bearing date the 11th of May in the same year granted to Sir Lewis Kirk and others full privilege not only of trade and commerce even in the River of Canada, which is to the northward of Nova Scotia, and places on either side adjacent, but also of planting colonies and building forts and bulwarks where they should think fit, but the said Sir Lewis Kirk and partners were molested by the French in the enjoyment and exercise of their privileges. That several years afterwards in the year 1654 Cromwel having then a fleet at New England caused the country of Nova Scotia to be seized, as being antiently a part of the English Dominions to which the French had no just title, and the proprietor of the said country Sir Charles de St. Estienne, son and heir to the fore-mentioned Monsieur de la Tour, coming thereupon into England and making out his title under the aforesaid Earl of Sterling and the Crown of Scotland, his right was allowed of by Cromwell ; whereupon the said St. Estienne, by his deed bearing date the 20th of November 1656 made over all his right and title to Nova Scotia to Sir Thomas Temple and Mr. William Crown ; one or both of them who did accordingly continue to possess and enjoy the same with the profits thence arising until the year 1667 when Nova Scotia was yielded to the French by the Treaty of Breda, and was accordingly delivered to them in 1670 by virtue of an order from King Charles the Second to Sir Thomas Temple, who then resided as Governor upon the place.

From this time to the Treaty of Utrecht, when N. Scotia was again surrendered by France to the Crown of Great Britain, our books make no mention of the descendants of the abovementioned Monsieur de la Tour ; but as the Petitioner with her brothers and sisters were found in possession of the lands and quit rents abovementioned, we think it highly reasonable to believe that after the surrender of Nova Scotia to France in 1670, the French King did thereupon restore Monsieur de la Tour, the Petitioner’s father, to the enjoyment of his estate, and it appears to us upon the whole that the Petitioner Mrs. Agatha Campbell is daughter to the last mentioned Monsieur de la Tour and grand-daughter to Monsieur Charles Saint Estienne, Sieur de la Tour, whose right to Nova Scotia was allowed by Cromwell, and that partly by right of inheritance and partly by cession from her relations, she is justly entitled to all the possessions and rents belonging to her said father and grandfather not disposed of by them during their respective lives ; but what those rents and possessions were does not appear to us for want of the first Letters Patent to the Sieur de la Tour in 1631, excepting the quit rents abovementioned of eighty or ninety pounds pr. annum. Whereupon we would take leave to propose that H.M. should be graciously pleased to order a valuable consideration to be paid to the Petitioner for her said quit rents, and also for the extinguishment of her claim to any other part of Nova Scotia ; and in the meantime to issue his Royal Orders to Coll. Philipps, the present Governor of Nova Scotia or to the Commander in Chief there for the time being to give the necessary directions in that Province, that all arrears of rents or quit rents due to the Petitioner from the inhabitants of Nimos or others since the year 1730 or from the time of her receiving the last payments be paid to her the said Agatha Campbell without delay ; and that she be re-instated in the possession of such lands and quit rents as she was possessed of before the late orders for stopping the payment of her rents, and to enjoy them without any let or molestation, until the aforesaid consideration shall be paid. [C.O. 218, 2. pp. 273-292]

Some considerations relating to the security of the British Colonies in America. If a war should break out between England and France, it is natural to expect they will attack us where we are weakest, and that is in America. The Leeward Islands may be overrun in a very few days from Guardaloupe or Martinique, etc. Barbados would make but a very poor resistance, having no forces but their own militia, and their fortifications in a very bad condition. Jamaica might possibly be defended by a powerfull sea force against a descent from Hispaniola, but ye French have near 20,000 people in their part of that island, settl’d within ye space of a few years, whereas Jamaica tho’ planted in Oliver Cromwell’s time, and capable of maintaining 200,000 inhabitants by ye last returns from thence had no more than 7,648 white people, including men, women, and children. And is under daily alarms from her runaway black people].

Gives details of numbers of inhabitants : 74,525 slaves etc. Argues that the Leeward Islands being so small are not capable of supporting a sufficient number of inhabitants to defend them against the superior forces of the French in their neighbouring Colonies. There may be between 3 or 4000 in the four islands, but they are dispers’d, and can never be brought together for their common defence : and therefore the Crown has constantly been at the expence of maintaining a regiment of foot there, which has been an expence thrown away to no manner of purpose etc. This Regiment has been so manag’d that ye inhabitants could have expected but very little protection from it, being always vastly deficient in its numbers, and ye few soldiers that were effective, except tradesmen who could earn their own bread, have been almost starv’d for want of subsistance, consequently much fitter for hospital than for service.

Proposes that the Colonel should be immediately ordered to his post and to make, in conjunction with the Governor, a return of the strength of the Regiment : that it be forthwith recruited ; and as it is impossible for the common soldiers to subsist there upon their own pay, that the Governor be instructed to recommend to the people to make the same additional provision for them at least, which the Assembly of Jamaica give to their 2 Independent Companies. But this Regiment compleated to its full establishment will be but of little use without a Naval force etc. The loss of these islands, or even the destruction of their sugar works, would be a great detriment to England, and an irreparable damage to the inhabitants, who have not to this day recovered the losses of the last war etc. The Admiralty have a very good harbour at Antegoa, and we should upon the first apprehension of danger, have two ships of war at the least upon this station.

The property of the King’s subjects in these islands, including their slaves, stock, coffers and buildings is computed at near three millions sterl. Barbados has of late years given so much money to their Governors that they have not been able to lay out any upon their fortifications, but their charge upon that head is at present considerably diminished and therefore their Governor should be instructed to recommend to them to take care of the necessary repairs for their fortifications and supply of their magazine. For I fear the number of their inhabitants is much lessen’d of late. Upon the least umbrage of a war they should have the same number of ships for their defence which were employ’d on that station during the last war. This will be the more necessary at present, because of the French encroachments at Santa Lucia which lies within sight of Barbados, and of the encrease of the French inhabitants in their neighbourhood.

Jamaica has always been deservedly our chief concern, as well upon acct. of its scituation, as of its real value, and if the inhabitants had understood their own interest or had half so much concern for themselves as we have had for them, they would not have been in so bad a condition as they now are. Instead of being a great burthen to us, they might, with good conduct, by this time have been able to stand alone, and have been the terror of the West Indies. But it is too late to look backwards, and some way must be found out effectualy to people this island, or we shall certainly lose it. Our Fleets indeed may do a great deal for the defence of Jamaica ; but it is to be consider’d that the same winds which may bring a force from Hispaniola, may confine our ships in port ; and an Iland upon which we have long valu’d ourselves, be lost, notwithstanding our naval force, in a very few days. It will therefore be highly necessary to send some person of spirit, integrity, and capacity to command this Iand. He should be instructed to send home a full and true state of their condition.

How it comes to pass that they are not better peopled? What impediments there are to the settling of the country? and how they may be removed, either by the Legislature of the Iland, or that of Great Britain? for this is too valuable a jewel in the Crown of England, to be lost by the petulance of the inhabitants, or the exorbitant avarice of a few leading men, who have eat up all their poor neighbours and expelled them the Iland. Something in the nature of an Agrarian law must be made for Jamaica if we intend to keep it. No man should be allow’d to hold more land than he can cultivate, and great encouragment should be given to draw inhabitants thither, for England could not lay out money to a better purpose. In the mean while we should allow them as many ships for their defence in case of danger, as they had any time the last war. And we must not wait till we hear the French are going to send ships into the West Indies ; for we may be undone by the land force they have there already etc. Suggests sending, upon the first apprehension of a rupture a strong land force also into the iland, under the command of some experienced officer. The Bahama Ilands in case of a war would lye greatly expos’d to an invasion from the Spanish Colonies at Porto Rico, Hispaniola or Cuba, but especially from the last. The temptation of attacking them will not arise from the plunder, the inhabitants being hitherto very poor, but their scituation is of very great importance, and therefore they will merit a farther land force for their defence, having only one Company there at present.

And as they have a good harbour at Providence for 20 gun cruisers, two ships of that size may be station’d here to good purpose, to watch the Spanish plate fleets, and be a cheque upon the navigation of the Gulph of Florida. It were to be wished that these were the only British Dominions in America expos’d to danger ; but it is certain that the French may make themselves masters of Nova Scotia whenever they please. It is easie to perceive from one cast of the eyes upon the map, that this Province is surrounded almost on every side by the French settlements of Cape Briton, L’isle Madam, Anticosta, the river of St. Laurence, and Canada, in all which places, the French are very strong and numerous, especialy at Cape Briton and L’isle Madam etc., but we have hardly one civil inhabitant in the whole province of Nova Scotia, and what is still worse, we have upwards of 3000 French Papists settled in the heart of the countrey, who have remained there ever since the Peace ; and tho’ they have with great difficulty been prevail’d on not long since to take the oaths of allegiance to the King ; there is no doubt that they would readily joyn with their countreymen to recover this Province for the Crown of France etc. Something should be done without loss of time. It may not perhaps be adviseable to ask the assistance of Parlt. yet nothing can be done without expence.

Palatines or Saltburgers might certainly be had in Holland, and in my humble opinion they ought to be had. But there is one other way which has formerly been recommended as advantageous to the publick in every respect, and that is to engage the straglers, now settled in Newfoundland, where they do a great deal of harm, to transport themselves to Nova Scotia, where they may be of some use to their Mother Countrey. And as these people are already inur’d to the hardships of these cold climates they would be of more service there than a much larger number from any other place. All reasonable encouragements should therefore be given to them, and indeed to any other people that are dispos’d to settle in Nova Scotia, till that Province shall have acquir’d a reasonable defence. It may likewise be for the King’s service, that Col. Philips should be order’d forthwith to recruit his Regt. to the full establishment, and if the men were allow’d to carry wives with them they might in time do something towards peopling the countrey. But this is only one of those gradual expedients to which many more might be added, but which would not save the present emergency etc. The preservation of this Province, and of the Fishery upon its coast, which is preferable to that of Newfoundland, would always deserve a station ship, and more in time of war, with another regiment. Without date or signature. Endorsed, Oct. 28th, 1733. 5 pp. [C.O. 5, 5. No. 2.]

“America and West Indies: October 1733, 16-31.” Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 40, 1733. Eds. Cecil Headlam, and Arthur Percival Newton. London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1939. 216-232. British History Online. Web. 2 April 2020. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol40/pp216-232.

“The pretensions of such persons as claim interest in Nova Scotia”

111. Statement of the case of Thomas Temple and William Crowne, and how they became proprietors of Nova Scotia. In 1656, when the Lord de La Tour was compounding with Cromwell to get his country of Nova Scotia again, but not being able to pay what Cromwell required, he requested Temple and Crowne to undertake it for him, and so by the advice of Sir Orlando Bridgeman, La Tour by deed conveyed all his right and title in Nova Scotia, with all his profits and privileges, to said Temple and Crowne and their heirs and assigns for ever, the consideration to pay 1,800l. to Cromwell’s soldiers, then in La Tour’s forts ; 3,376l. 18s. to the relict of Major Gibbons, of New England, for redemption of mortgage on La Tour’s fort of St. John’s, the 20th skin of all furs taken within said country, and the 20th part of the increase of the earth, free from all charge. Accordingly they took possession and built houses, and to regain a house taken by the French cost men’s lives and 10,000l. La Tour’s title :As a discoverer 55 years since, where he built his fort upon the river of St. John, and bath continually dwelt. In 1621 Sir Wm. Alexander obtained a grant of all Nova Scotia to him, his heirs and assigns for ever, with power to create baronets to encourage planting, which in 1625 was confirmed by Charles I. In 1630 Sir Wm., then Lord, Sterling, conveyed part of Nova Scotia to La Tour and his father, and their heirs and assigns for ever, with certain privileges under the Great Seal of Scotland, and both Lord La Tour and his father were made baronets of Nova Scotia. Lord Sterling two or three years after surrendered Port Royal to the French, for which the King “gave him the Great Seal for 10,000l., not yet paid as ’tis said.” Port Royal was not within La Tour’s grant from Sterling. The French made war upon La Tour at Fort St. John ; he mortgages it to Major Gibbons at New England, but during his absence his fort was surprised by one Doney [D’Aulney] of Port Royal, his men were put to the sword, and his lady was poisoned. La Tour repairs to the King of France for justice, but on his return to Port Royal finds D’Aulney dead, and Port Royal and Penobscot were surrendered to La Tour on his marrying D’Aulney’s widow, and he has enjoyed that part ever since. Major Sedgwick without orders takes La Tour’s forts, kills his men, demolishes his chief fort, plunders him to above 10,000l. in value, and brings him to Cromwell, who restores La Tour to his forts and country upon payment of the sums aforesaid. La Tour for constant adherence to the King of England and being a Protestant is condemned as a traitor in France, and if taken will suffer death, and therefore doubts not of receiving protection in England. Temple and Crowne, the proprietors of Nova Scotia, present certain proposals to the consideration of their Lordships [the Committee of Foreign Plantations], that they be reimbursed the moneys they have paid, or keep the whole trade to themselves, paying to the King 5 per cent. on all goods carried out of the country. They implore a suitable strength against the natives, that they may remain where they have purchased and built in said country, and have liberty to collect their debts from the Indians, which are above 1,000l. There are no families considerable upon the place but the two proprietors. Indorsed, “Received 22 June 1661.” 3 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XV., No. 64.]

112. Report of the Committee of Council appointed by the King to examine the pretensions of such persons as claim interest in Nova Scotia or L’Acadie. Thos. Elliot, the plaintiff, claims by a warrant from his Majesty. Thos. Temple and Wm. Crowne, the defendants, by right of discovery, the King’s grant, and many years’ possession. The Committee, having upon the 17th of this present June heard the several parties, find :That on 10th Sept. 1621 King James granted Nova Scotia to Sir Wm. Alexander. King Charles continued this grant 1625. Sir Wm. granted on the 12th April 1630 to De La Tour part of the territories, by the names of two baronies, St. Estienne and La Tour, on condition they should remain faithful to the King of Scotland. A deed of 20th Sept. 1656 from La Tour recites the former grant, and grants to Tho. Temple and Willm. Crowne all the lands, paying the 20th of all pelts and profits of the earth ; and of this they have since been possessed. In 1639 Sir Claude and Sir Chas. St. Estienne, father and son, were made baronets of Nova Scotia for good service. Port Royal and Penobscot were granted by the French for 30,000l. damages about St. John’s Fort, and the French King has condemned La Tour as a traitor. They yield the Dominion of Nova Scotia to the King, and the power of sending a Governor, and offer 5 per cent. customs to support the charge. Quebec they claim not. Mr. Elliott’s counsel allege : That the King was not in possession at the time of his grant, so his grant is void ; and that Sir Wm. Alexander’s grant to La Tour is void, the French being then in possession ; in 1629 the English took all ; in 1632 the French were restored, and La Tour was made Governor ; in 1656 Cromwell having recovered it, passed it to La Tour, Temple, and Crowne ; La Tour held it against Cromwell for the King of France ; Sir Wm. Alexander’s grant to La Tour is void, because to an alien. Elliot’s counsel desire the government and trade as it was granted to Temple and Crowne by virtue of the King’s warrant. Reply : The King may grant by the law of nations what he is not in possession of, and empower to take possession. He that discovers and yields a country to the King of Scotland is therein equal with a native of his dominions. To give free trade to strangers would overthrow the Plantation, but if it be judged of public advantage to discourage and remove the present planters after so many years’ settlement, they desire that the 5,712l. which they paid to those before them for damages and purchases of the propriety may be first paid to them. Indorsed, “Report of the Committee of Council for Nova Scotia, 17 June 1661.” 2 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XV., No. 65.]

13. Copy of the preceding. Indorsed by Joseph Williamson, Nova Scotia, but without date. [Col. Papers, Vol. XV., No. 66.]

114. Another copy of the above signed R[ichard] B[lathwayt]. With a memorandum, That by an agreement between Sir Thos. Temple and Wm. Crowne, dated 12th September 1657, it is provided that Crowne shall possess all lands westward from the mouth of the River Dumache alias Machias for 100 leagues into the country, to Muscentus on the confines of New England, and into the sea 30 leagues with all islands, and particularly the Port of Pentagouet or Penobscot, and the sole trade with the natives. That Temple shall have the sole trade on the River Dumache for the 100 leagues mentioned, provided Crowne pay at the due terms five moose and five beaver skins, as part of the honorarium due to Cromwell and heirs, and the 20th part of all furs and fruits to Sir Charles. Signed Stephen La Tour. “Memorandum. The interest of Maj. Edward Gibbons.” Indorsed, The case of Elliot, La Tour, Crowne, and Temple, abt. Nova Scotia. 3 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XV., No. 67.]

“America and West Indies: June 1661.” Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 5, 1661-1668. Ed. W Noel Sainsbury. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1880. 35-42. British History Online. Web. 2 April 2020. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol5/pp35-42.

Council of Trade and Plantations to Committee of Privy Council, Representation upon petition of Mrs. Campbell; considerations relating to the security of the British Colonies in America

367. Council of Trade and Plantations to Committee of Privy Council.

Representation upon petition of Mrs. Campbell. Continue:

We have discoursed hereupon with Coll. Philips, H.M. Governour of Nova Scotia, and likewise with Mrs. Campbell the petitioner, who hath laid before us several papers and affidavits relating to her title to the aforesaid lands and quit rents in Nova Scotia, from whence it appears, That in 1631 the Most Christian King Lewis XIII gave the Government of Nova Scotia or Accadie to Monsieur Charles de St. Estienne, Sieur de la Tour, grandfather to the petitioner, who had Letters Patents granted to him thereupon. What the particulars contained in the said Letters Patent were, does not appear, because no copies of them have been produced to us, but upon the death of Lewis XIII, his son Lewis XIV etc. having been informed of the progress and improvements made in Accadie by the said Sieur de la Tour was pleased by new Letters Patents bearing date February 25th, 1651, to confirm him in the post of Governour and Lieutenant General of Accadie or New France and likewise in the full and free possession of all the lands which had been before granted to him in that Province with full power to dispose of them to whom and in such proportions as he should think proper ; as appears by a printed copy of the said Patent which refers to the former of 1631, and for want of that former Patent it cannot be ascertained whether the whole Province or what part thereof was granted to the said de la Tour. It would seem that the second Patent of 1651 was issued by way of confirmation of La Tour’s title just after he had been acquitted of certain charges alledged against him ; for the petitioner hath produced to us a decree made for that purpose by the Masters of Requests in the French King’s Court and Chancery bearing date the ninth day of February of the same year 1651, and in this decree mention is likewise made of a former Commission granted to the Sieur de la Tour dated Feb. 8th, 1631, constituting him Lieutenant General for the French King in the said Province of Accadie, Fort St. John, Port de la Tour, and the places dependant upon them. This decree was confirmed by the French King’s Order in Council dated the 26th of the same month, and the said Sieur de Tour was thereby absolved from all accusations which had been preferred against him for treason or maladministration in his government of Accadie and reinstated and maintained in the full possession and enjoyment of all the lands which had been acquired by him or in his name in the said territory of Accadie or New France. Under the authority of these Letters Patents and of the decree of the Masters of Requests and Chancery confirmed by the French King’s Order in Council Mrs. Campbell alledges that the said De la Tour, her grandfather, for the good of the State and for the encouragement of those who desired to settle in this new colony, as well as in conformity to the intention of the King his master, distributed part of the lands he had acquired in the Province under his government at a very low rate to the new inhabitants, upon certain conditions or Articles made with them in his own name or in the names of his attornies or agents, which contracts were either plundered and taken away from the Petitioner, or burned in the last descent and invasion of the Indians in Nova Scotia, in which the Petitioner’s first husband was killed. She supposes however that copies of these contracts might be found in some of the publick offices in Nova Scotia, and that altho’ they should be entirely lost, yet her long possession with the successive and uncontested payments of rents to her, down to the years 1729 and 1730, would be sufficient proofs for the support of her present claim. The aforesaid Charles de St. Estienne de la Tour being dead, the petitioner alledges, that his only son the petitioner’s father succeeded him in all his estates, titles, possessions, honours and privileges, which he continued to enjoy peaceably to the time of his death in the year 1704, leaving several children his heirs who enjoyed his inheritance under the guardianship of their mother until the year 1713, when the Province of Nova Scotia was yielded to Great Britain by the 12th Article of the Treaty of Utrecht. By the 14th Article of that Treaty, it was expressly provided that the subjects of the King of France in Nova Scotia should have liberty to remove themselves within the term of one year to any other place if they should think fit, with all their moveable effects, but that such as should be willing to remain there and be subject to the Kingdom of Great Britain, should enjoy the free exercise of their religion, according to the usage of the Church of Rome, as far as the laws of Great Britain do allow the same. But her late Majesty Queen Anne was pleased by her letter to General Nicholson bearing date the 23rd day of June, 1713, in consideration of the French King’s having at her request released some of his Protestant subjects from the galleys to allow the French inhabitants in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland to hold their lands or dispose of them if they thought fit etc. Letter from Queen to Governor Nicholson quoted. (v. C.S.P. 23rd June, 1713).

Continues :Hereupon soon after the publication of the foregoing letter in Nova Scotia, the several brothers and sisters of the Petitioner’s coheirs of the land and premises in question retired into the neighbouring Provinces under the domination of France, and left the Petitioner who would not abandon her country, sole proprietor in possession of all their lands and rents, under certain conditions agreed upon amongst themselves. The conveyances which were made to the Petitioner upon this occasion have been produced to us and bear date November 9th, 1714. The Petitioner sets forth that notwithstanding the refusal made by the inhabitants of Minis to pay her the rents to which they were engaged by their articles because she durst not go thither to compel them for fear of the Indian savages, by whom she was seized about seven years ago, and run a very great hazard of being massacred, the revenue ariseing to her from thence amounted to 80 or 90 pounds sterling p. annum which she offers to confirm by oath, not being able at present to give better evidence of the value of the income arising from the said rents ; and she likewise further avers that her lands are now set for a 20th part of their real value. To prove her possession and enjoyment of the lands and premises in question, the petitioner produces two orders under the hand of the aforesaid Governor Philipps dated July 5th, 1721, and Sept. 19th, 1722, by which all the inhabitants and landholders are ordered to pay her the rents stipulated in their contracts. She likewise produces a certificate subscribed and sworn to by the Reverend Mr. Robert Cuthbert, sometime minister of Annapolis Royal where the Petitioner resided, as Chaplain to Colonel Philipp’s regiment, who deposes that during his residence at Annapolis he was well acquainted with the Petitioner etc. who was seized and possessed of a large estate of inheritance lying in and about Annapolis Royal in Nova Scotia and was reputed and esteemed both by English and French and other the inhabitants thereabouts to be Lady of the Mannor lands and premises situated as aforesaid and to be legally intitled thereto, and as such received the rents and profits thereof during this deponent’s stay there ; and this deponent saith that he hath been present and several times seen the rents and profits of the premises aforesaid paid to her from the French, and believes that in her own name she gave proper and legal receipts and discharges for the same, and that the said Agatha Campbell held and enjoyed the aforesaid lands and premises without any interruption or molestation and free from any claim or demand whatsoever during this deponent’s residence there. The Petitioner hath likewise produced to us three affidavits of Mary Barton, John Welch and William Tipton, who severally depose that they have lived many years at Annapolis Royal during which time they were well acquainted with the Petitioner etc. and that during their abode in Nova Scotia she was acknowledged sole Lady of the Manour, lands and premises of all the inhabited parts of that Province and that in her own right she received the rents and acknowledgements thereof from the inhabitants enjoying the same without molestation, and that she was a Protestant of the Church of England and greatly beloved by the inhabitants her tenants, as will appear more largely by the said affidavits etc. annexed. Having heard what the petitioner had to alledge in support of her claim, we thought it proper upon this occasion to discourse with Governor Philipps etc., by whom most of the facts alledged by the Petitioner in support of her right have been confirmed, particularly as to the value of the quit rents, and her receipt of them, as the rightful proprietor thereof, and that she would have continued to do so to this day but that a stop was put thereto in 1730 in consequence of H.M. orders upon a representation from the said Colonel Philipps till Mrs. Campbell’s title should be further enquired into and H.M. pleasure be known thereupon.

We have also examined the Histories of this Country and searched the books of our office with respect to the facts alledged by the Petitioner, from whence it appears amongst other things, that in the year 1621 the country of Nova Scotia was granted by King James 1st to Sir William Alexander, afterwards Earl of Sterling, who took possession thereof, drove out the French who had encroached upon it, and planted a colony there. That in the year 1630 the said Sir William Alexander sold his right to Nova Scotia to Monsieur Claude de la Tour, a French Protestant, to be held by him and his successors under the Crown of Scotland. That about the year 1631 King Charles 1st made some sort of concession of the said country to the Crown of France, reserving nevertheless the right of the Proprietor who had before enjoyed it. That in 1633 notwithstanding this lastmentioned concession the said King Charles 1st by Letters Patents bearing date the 11th of May in the same year granted to Sir Lewis Kirk and others full privilege not only of trade and commerce even in the River of Canada, which is to the northward of Nova Scotia, and places on either side adjacent, but also of planting colonies and building forts and bulwarks where they should think fit, but the said Sir Lewis Kirk and partners were molested by the French in the enjoyment and exercise of their privileges. That several years afterwards in the year 1654 Cromwel having then a fleet at New England caused the country of Nova Scotia to be seized, as being antiently a part of the English Dominions to which the French had no just title, and the proprietor of the said country Sir Charles de St. Estienne, son and heir to the fore-mentioned Monsieur de la Tour, coming thereupon into England and making out his title under the aforesaid Earl of Sterling and the Crown of Scotland, his right was allowed of by Cromwell ; whereupon the said St. Estienne, by his deed bearing date the 20th of November 1656 made over all his right and title to Nova Scotia to Sir Thomas Temple and Mr. William Crown ; one or both of them who did accordingly continue to possess and enjoy the same with the profits thence arising until the year 1667 when Nova Scotia was yielded to the French by the Treaty of Breda, and was accordingly delivered to them in 1670 by virtue of an order from King Charles the Second to Sir Thomas Temple, who then resided as Governor upon the place. From this time to the Treaty of Utrecht, when N. Scotia was again surrendered by France to the Crown of Great Britain, our books make no mention of the descendants of the abovementioned Monsieur de la Tour ; but as the Petitioner with her brothers and sisters were found in possession of the lands and quit rents abovementioned, we think it highly reasonable to believe that after the surrender of Nova Scotia to France in 1670, the French King did thereupon restore Monsieur de la Tour, the Petitioner’s father, to the enjoyment of his estate, and it appears to us upon the whole that the Petitioner Mrs. Agatha Campbell is daughter to the last mentioned Monsieur de la Tour and grand-daughter to Monsieur Charles Saint Estienne, Sieur de la Tour, whose right to Nova Scotia was allowed by Cromwell, and that partly by right of inheritance and partly by cession from her relations, she is justly entitled to all the possessions and rents belonging to her said father and grandfather not disposed of by them during their respective lives ; but what those rents and possessions were does not appear to us for want of the first Letters Patent to the Sieur de la Tour in 1631, excepting the quit rents abovementioned of eighty or ninety pounds pr. annum. Whereupon we would take leave to propose that H.M. should be graciously pleased to order a valuable consideration to be paid to the Petitioner for her said quit rents, and also for the extinguishment of her claim to any other part of Nova Scotia ; and in the meantime to issue his Royal Orders to Coll. Philipps, the present Governor of Nova Scotia or to the Commander in Chief there for the time being to give the necessary directions in that Province, that all arrears of rents or quit rents due to the Petitioner from the inhabitants of Nimos or others since the year 1730 or from the time of her receiving the last payments be paid to her the said Agatha Campbell without delay ; and that she be re-instated in the possession of such lands and quit rents as she was possessed of before the late orders for stopping the payment of her rents, and to enjoy them without any let or molestation, until the aforesaid consideration shall be paid. [C.O. 218, 2. pp. 273-292]

370. Some considerations relating to the security of the British Colonies in America. If a war should break out between England and France, it is natural to expect they will attack us where we are weakest, and that is in America. The Leeward Islands may be overrun in a very few days from Guardaloupe or Martinique, etc. Barbados would make but a very poor resistance, having no forces but their own militia, and their fortifications in a very bad condition. Jamaica might possibly be defended by a powerfull sea force against a descent from Hispaniola, but ye French have near 20,000 people in their part of that island, settl’d within ye space of a few years, whereas Jamaica tho’ planted in Oliver Cromwell’s time, and capable of maintaining 200,000 inhabitants by ye last returns from thence had no more than 7,648 white people, including men, women, and children. And is under daily alarms from her runaway negroes. Gives details of numbers of inhabitants : 74,525 slaves etc. Argues that the Leeward Islands being so small are not capable of supporting a sufficient number of inhabitants to defend them against the superior forces of the French in their neighbouring Colonies. There may be between 3 or 4000 in the four islands, but they are dispers’d, and can never be brought together for their common defence : and therefore the Crown has constantly been at the expence of maintaining a regiment of foot there, which has been an expence thrown away to no manner of purpose etc. This Regiment has been so manag’d that ye inhabitants could have expected but very little protection from it, being always vastly deficient in its numbers, and ye few soldiers that were effective, except tradesmen who could earn their own bread, have been almost starv’d for want of subsistance, consequently much fitter for hospital than for service. Proposes that the Colonel should be immediately ordered to his post and to make, in conjunction with the Governor, a return of the strength of the Regiment : that it be forthwith recruited ; and as it is impossible for the common soldiers to subsist there upon their own pay, that the Governor be instructed to recommend to the people to make the same additional provision for them at least, which the Assembly of Jamaica give to their 2 Independent Companies. But this Regiment compleated to its full establishment will be but of little use without a Naval force etc. The loss of these islands, or even the destruction of their sugar works, would be a great detriment to England, and an irreparable damage to the inhabitants, who have not to this day recovered the losses of the last war etc. The Admiralty have a very good harbour at Antegoa, and we should upon the first apprehension of danger, have two ships of war at the least upon this station. The property of the King’s subjects in these islands, including their slaves, stock, coffers and buildings is computed at near three millions sterl. Barbados has of late years given so much money to their Governors that they have not been able to lay out any upon their fortifications, but their charge upon that head is at present considerably diminished and therefore their Governor should be instructed to recommend to them to take care of the necessary repairs for their fortifications and supply of their magazine. For I fear the number of their inhabitants is much lessen’d of late. Upon the least umbrage of a war they should have the same number of ships for their defence which were employ’d on that station during the last war. This will be the more necessary at present, because of the French encroachments at Santa Lucia which lies within sight of Barbados, and of the encrease of the French inhabitants in their neighbourhood. Jamaica has always been deservedly our chief concern, as well upon acct. of its scituation, as of its real value, and if the inhabitants had understood their own interest or had half so much concern for themselves as we have had for them, they would not have been in so bad a condition as they now are. Instead of being a great burthen to us, they might, with good conduct, by this time have been able to stand alone, and have been the terror of the West Indies. But it is too late to look backwards, and some way must be found out effectualy to people this island, or we shall certainly lose it. Our Fleets indeed may do a great deal for the defence of Jamaica ; but it is to be consider’d that the same winds which may bring a force from Hispaniola, may confine our ships in port ; and an Iland upon which we have long valu’d ourselves, be lost, notwithstanding our naval force, in a very few days. It will therefore be highly necessary to send some person of spirit, integrity, and capacity to command this Iland. He should be instructed to send home a full and true state of their condition. How it comes to pass that they are not better peopled? What impediments there are to the settling of the country? and how they may be removed, either by the Legislature of the Iland, or that of Great Britain? for this is too valuable a jewel in the Crown of England, to be lost by the petulance of the inhabitants, or the exorbitant avarice of a few leading men, who have eat up all their poor neighbours and expelled them the Iland. Something in the nature of an Agrarian law must be made for Jamaica if we intend to keep it. No man should be allow’d to hold more land than he can cultivate, and great encouragment should be given to draw inhabitants thither, for England could not lay out money to a better purpose. In the mean while we should allow them as many ships for their defence in case of danger, as they had any time the last war. And we must not wait till we hear the French are going to send ships into the West Indies ; for we may be undone by the land force they have there already etc. Suggests sending, upon the first apprehension of a rupture a strong land force also into the iland, under the command of some experienced officer. The Bahama Ilands in case of a war would lye greatly expos’d to an invasion from the Spanish Colonies at Porto Rico, Hispaniola or Cuba, but especially from the last. The temptation of attacking them will not arise from the plunder, the inhabitants being hitherto very poor, but their scituation is of very great importance, and therefore they will merit a farther land force for their defence, having only one Company there at present. And as they have a good harbour at Providence for 20 gun cruisers, two ships of that size may be station’d here to good purpose, to watch the Spanish plate fleets, and be a cheque upon the navigation of the Gulph of Florida. It were to be wished that these were the only British Dominions in America expos’d to danger ; but it is certain that the French may make themselves masters of Nova Scotia whenever they please. It is easie to perceive from one cast of the eyes upon the map, that this Province is surrounded almost on every side by the French settlements of Cape Briton, L’isle Madam, Anticosta, the river of St. Laurence, and Canada, in all which places, the French are very strong and numerous, especialy at Cape Briton and L’isle Madam etc., but we have hardly one civil inhabitant in the whole province of Nova Scotia, and what is still worse, we have upwards of 3000 French Papists settled in the heart of the countrey, who have remained there ever since the Peace ; and tho’ they have with great difficulty been prevail’d on not long since to take the oaths of allegiance to the King ; there is no doubt that they would readily joyn with their countreymen to recover this Province for the Crown of France etc. Something should be done without loss of time. It may not perhaps be adviseable to ask the assistance of Parlt. yet nothing can be done without expence. Palatines or Saltburgers might certainly be had in Holland, and in my humble opinion they ought to be had. But there is one other way which has formerly been recommended as advantageous to the publick in every respect, and that is to engage the straglers, now settled in Newfoundland, where they do a great deal of harm, to transport themselves to Nova Scotia, where they may be of some use to their Mother Countrey. And as these people are already inur’d to the hardships of these cold climates they would be of more service there than a much larger number from any other place. All reasonable encouragements should therefore be given to them, and indeed to any other people that are dispos’d to settle in Nova Scotia, till that Province shall have acquir’d a reasonable defence. It may likewise be for the King’s service, that Col. Philips should be order’d forthwith to recruit his Regt. to the full establishment, and if the men were allow’d to carry wives with them they might in time do something towards peopling the countrey. But this is only one of those gradual expedients to which many more might be added, but which would not save the present emergency etc. The preservation of this Province, and of the Fishery upon its coast, which is preferable to that of Newfoundland, would always deserve a station ship, and more in time of war, with another regiment. Without date or signature. Endorsed, Oct. 28th, 1733. 5 pp. [C.O. 5, 5. No. 2.]

“America and West Indies: October 1733, 16-31.” Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 40, 1733. Eds. Cecil Headlam, and Arthur Percival Newton. London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1939. 216-232. British History Online. Web. 2 April 2020. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol40/pp216-232.

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