Colonial Connections

“Massachusetts, even though its charter of 1691 confirmed its title to eastern Maine, had only a tenuous control over the area; its claim had been challenged on the grounds that it had not been implemented and that defense had been neglected. David Dunbar, appointed Surveyor General of royal woods in America in 1728, had been authorized to make land grants in the area while reserving mast trees (white pines of the size and quality required for naval masts) and a yearly quitrent for the King. But the settlers had sued him for trespass and won a reversal by the Privy Council, which confirmed the right of Massachusetts to the land. See ibid., III, 275–83; Cecil Headlam, ed., Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West Indies, 1728–29 (London, 1937), pp. 110–12, 371–3, 549, 554–5; Channing and Coolidge, op. cit., p. 222; Robert G. Albion, Forests and Sea Power… (Cambridge, Mass., 1926), pp. 256–7; Wroth and Zobel, John Adams Legal Papers, II, 248–9. For the general background see Jack M. Sosin, The Revolutionary Frontier, 1763–1783 (New York, etc., [1967]), pp. 20–60.

The region, rumor had it, was about to become a new royal province with Sir Francis Bernard as governor. 6 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., IX (1897), 269. The Bostonians suspected that this design was part of a conspiracy against the province, and for once they had reason: Hutchinson and Bernard were doing their best to have the land east of the Penobscot detached from Massachusetts and either erected into a separate government or, that failing, annexed to Nova Scotia. See Hutchinson’s letters to Bernard and Hillsborough, Mass. Arch., XXVII, 60–1, 100, 105, 286.”

https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-18-02-0093

“That the Province of Nova Scotia or Accadie hath known and Determinate Bounds by the Original Grant from King James the 1st. and that there is Abundant Evidence of the Sense which the French had of these Bounds while they were in Possession of it, and that these Bounds being then known, the said Province by the Treaty of Utrecht according to its Ancient Limits, was ceded, to Great Britain, and remained in Possession thereof until the Treaty of Aix La Chapelle, by which it was confirmed, but by said Treaty it is Stipulated, that the Bounds of the said Province, shall be determined by Commissaries, &c…

That the French have most unjustly taken Possession of Part of the Province of Nova Scotia, and in the River St. John’s and other parts of said Province, they have built Strong Fortresses, and from this River they will have during the Winter and Spring Season, a much easier Communication between France and Canada, than they have heretofore had, and will be furnished with a Harbour more Commodiously Situated, for the annoying the British Colonies by Privatiers and Men of War than Louisburgh itself.”

https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-05-02-0103

“Delaware’s status was ambiguous: with the same governor and council as Pennsylvania, though with its own unicameral legislature, it was often omitted from lists of the separate colonial governments. The exclusion of Nova Scotia and Georgia can be explained not only because of their sparse English-speaking populations in 1754 but more importantly because their civil administrations and military garrisons were supported by annual parliamentary appropriations.”

https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-05-02-0104

Philadelphia, June 6. 1745

As the Cape-Breton Expedition is at present the Subject of most Conversations, we hope the following Draught (rough as it is, for want of good Engravers here) will be acceptable to our Readers; as it may serve to give them an Idea of the Strength and Situation of the Town now besieged by our Forces, and render the News we receive from thence more intelligible.⁷

Cape-Breton Island, on which Louisburgh is built, lies on the South of the Gulph of St. Lawrence, and commands the Entrance into that River, and the Country of Canada. It is reckon’d 140 Leagues in Circuit, full of fine Bays and Harbours, extreamly convenient for Fishing Stages. It was always reckon’d a Part of Nova-Scotia. For the Importance of this Place see our Gazette, No. 858.⁸

As soon as the French King had begun the present unjust War against the English, the People of Louisburgh attack’d the New-England Town of Canso, consisting of about 150 Houses and a Fort, took it, burnt it to the Ground, and carried away the People, Men, Women and Children, Prisoners.⁹

They then laid Siege to Annapolis Royal, and would have taken it, if seasonable Assistance had not been sent from Boston.¹

Mr. Duvivier ² went home to France last Fall for more Soldiers, &c. to renew that Attempt, and for Stores for Privateers, of which they proposed to fit out a great Number this Summer, being the last Year unprovided: Yet one of their Cruisers only, took 4 Sail in a few Days, off our Capes, to a very considerable Value. What might we have expected from a dozen Sail, making each 3 or 4 Cruises a Year? They boasted that during the War they should have no Occasion to cut Fire Wood, for that the Jackstaves of English Vessels would be a Supply sufficient. It is therefore in their own Necessary Defence, as well as that of all the other British Colonies, that the People of New-England have undertaken the present Expedition against that Place, to which may the God of Hosts grant Success. Amen.

7. Here follows a “Plan of the Town and Harbour of Louisbourgh” with an explanatory key. This is the first news illustration to appear in the Gazette. Four days later, June 10, James Parker printed the same map and key in his New-York Weekly Post-Boy, apparently using the identical block. The source for the map and the maker of the cut are unknown.

8. The Gazette of May 23 devoted nearly a column to an essay by an unknown author on Cape Breton and the strategic and economic advantages to be gained by the capture of Louisbourg. The same article had appeared in Parker’s New-York Weekly Post-Boy, May 20. Internal evidence suggests that the piece may have been based on a much longer paper written in London, April 9, 1744, by Robert Auchmuty, vice-admiralty judge of Boston, entitled “The Importance of Cape-Breton to the British Nation.” 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls., V, 202–5.

9. Canso, or Canseau, at the extreme northeastern tip of the Nova Scotia mainland, was an important fishing station of the British colonists. The French commander at Louisbourg, who learned of the declaration of war by France four weeks before the news reached Boston, dispatched a small expedition against Canso, about 70 miles away, which captured the place on May 24, 1744, destroyed the blockhouse, and carried the garrison and inhabitants as prisoners to Louisbourg.

1. Within a month after learning of the declaration of war Governor Shirley of Massachusetts dispatched reinforcements to Annapolis Royal on the Bay of Fundy, the principal British post in Nova Scotia. The New Englanders arrived in time to help the commander, Paul Mascarene, and his small garrison to withstand an Indian attack in July 1744, and a more formidable siege conducted by forces from Louisbourg in the late summer and early fall.

2. Captain Duvivier, aide-major of Louisbourg, led the expeditions against both Canso and Annapolis Royal.

3. The French surrendered Louisbourg June 17.

https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-03-02-0024

Sir Boston July 30th 1776

At the time your Excellency’s Letter was received, requesting the Aid of this Government in procuring a body of the Eastern Indians for the Service of the United States, it happened very fortunately, that a Number of them were here, as Delegates from the St John’s & [Mi’kmaq] Tribes in Nova Scotia. They came on a visit to you, in consequence of yr Letter to them, which they produced: and soon after a couple of Chiefs arrived here from the Penobscot Tribe.

At the Conference held with the former, there appeared in them a very good disposition in favour of the united States: and the Genl Court having resolved, that a Regiment should be raised for the Service of the States to consist of 500 Indians & 250 English, it was strongly urged upon them to join with us in the war: and accordingly they have engaged to do it, and have Signed a Treaty for that purpose. By what they said at the Conference it appeared the Six villages they represented could furnish about 120 men: but as those villages are at a great distance from each other, their men dispersed in hunting, and they proposed to call the whole together, they Said they should not be able, and they could not engage, to come till the next Spring. The St John’s Delegates however, on being told they lived near, and could be soon here again, promised to return early in the Fall with about thirty of their Tribe. There are Six other villages of Mickmacs, who had not been informed of yr Letter, and had not therefore Sent Delegates, but are equally well disposed, and have about the same number of men belonging to them. These therefore can probably furnish for the Service a like number of men with the other.

With regard to the Penobscots, they appeared well disposed. They Said, that when Genl Washington Sent his Army to Canada, five of their People went with them, and were at the Siege of Quebec: two of whom were wounded, and three taken Prisoners, who had since returned; that they had been promised, an allowance should be made to those, who went Wth Colo. Arnold; the Support of whose families, in their absence, had been a great burthen to them: and that they had had no recompence [511] for these Services. They were told, this matter would be represented to Genl Washington, & that what is right & just he would order to be done. They Said further, they looked on themselves to be one people with us; and that whatever Governmt we were under, they were willing to Subject themselves to; that they had no doubt their Tribe would be willing to join Genl Washington; and that when they got home they would call the Tribe together, & consult them for that Purpose. This good disposition appearing in all the Indians, the Council thought it best, in Consequence of yr Letter, to Send with the Indians into their own Country, the most Suitable persons that could be had, in order to procure, with the utmost expedition, the number of Indians you desire may be engaged in the Service of the States, or as many as can be procured. An armed Vessel is accordingly engaged to carry these Indians to Penobscot & St John’s, where those Tribes will be respectively assembled, and all that can be persuaded to it, inlisted into the Service immediately. Mr Fletcher, who came with the Penobscots, is employed in this business with regard to that Tribe, and Major Shaw employd with regard to the St John’s, & their neighbours at Passamaquoddy. It being expected a considerable number might be had from these Tribes in a short time, the Sd Vessel was engaged to bring them up hither as soon as may be. One Mr Gilman is also employed to go to the St Francois Indians, and engage as many of them as he can. On the Conference with the St John’s & Mickmacs (a Copy of wch is enclosed together wth a Copy of the Treaty) three of them offered themselves to join the Army at New York immediately, and their Offer was Accepted: as it might not only secure the Fidelity of the Tribes to which they belonged, but induce many others of them to engage in the Service. Another has Since joined them. Accordingly these four, one of whom can speak French, will immediately Sett off for New York, under the Conduct of Mr Wm Shaw: who is orderd to wait upon you with them.

The Council hope those measures will be effectual for the purpose they were ordered. In their name & behalf I have the honour to be with every Sentiment of respect Yr Excellency’s most obed. hble Servt

James Bowdoin

https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/default.xqy?keys=GEWN-search-6-8&expandNote=on#match1

The names of the 4 Indians above-mentioned viz. Joseph Denaquara of Winsor, who speaks fr: & eng:[,] Peter Andrè of Le Hève, Sabattis Netobcobuit of Gaspee[,] Francis of St John’s.

Sir Cambridge March 27. 1776

I received your favour of the 11th Instt by Saturday Nights post, and must beg pardon for not acknowledging It in my last of the 24th: The hurry I was then in occasioned the neglect, and I hope will apologize for It.

I now beg leave to inform you that I just received Intelligence, that the whole of the Ministerial Fleet besides three or four Ships, got under way this Evening at Nantasket road, and were standing out for Sea—In consequence of which I shall detach a Brigade of Six Regiments immediately from hence for New York, under the command of Brigadier Genl Sullivan (Brigadr Genl Heath having gone with the first) which will be succeeded by an other in a day or two, & directly after I shall forward the Remainder of the Army, except four or five Regiments which will be left for taking care of the Barracks & public Stores & fortifying the Town and erecting such Works for Its defence, as the Honorable General Court may think necessary, and follow myself.

Apprehending that Genl Thomas will stand in need of some Artillerists in Canada, I have Ordered two Companies of the Train to march immediately, and Two mortars with a Quantity of Shells & Shot to be sent him. he set out on the 21st Instt.

Inclosed you have a Copy of the Return of Ordnance Stores left in Boston by the Enemy—In it are not included the Cannon left at the Castle, amounting to 135 peices as reported, all of which, except a very few, they have destroyed & rendered useless by breaking off the Trunnions and Spiking up.

I beg leave to Transmit you the copy of a petition from the Inhabitants of Nova Scotia, brought me by Jonathan Eddy Esq. mentioned therein, who is now here with an Accadian—From this It appears they are in a distressed situation, & from Mr Eddys account are exceedingly apprehensive that they will be reduced to the disagreable alternative of taking up Arms & Joining our Enemies, or to flee their Country, unless they can be protected against their Insults & oppressions—he says that their Committees think many salutary & valuable consequences wou’d be derived from Five or Six hundred men being sent there, as It wou’d not only quiet the minds of the people from [549] the anxiety & uneasiness they are now filled with and enable ’em to take a part in behalf of the Colonies, but be the means of preventing the Indians (of which there are a good many) from taking the side of Government, and the Ministerial Troops from getting such supplies of provisions from thence as they have done—How far these good purposes wou’d be answered If such a force was sent as they ask for, is impossible to determine in the present uncertain state of things—For If the Army from Boston is going to Hallifax as reported by ’em before their departure, that or a much more considerable force wou’d be of no avail—If not, and they possess the friendly disposition to our cause, suggested in the petition & declared by Mr Eddy, It might be of great service, unless an other body of Troops shou’d be sent thither by Administration too powerfull for ’em to oppose—It being a matter of some Importance, I judged It prudent to lay It before Congress for their consideration, and requesting their direction upon the Subject, shall only add, If they determine to adopt It, that they will prescribe the number to be sent and whether It is to be from the Regiments which will be left here—I shall wait their decision & whatever it is, will indeavour to have It carried into execution. I have the honor to be with Sentiments of the greatest regard Sir Your Most Obedt Servt

Go: Washington

https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/default.xqy?keys=GEWN-search-6-4&expandNote=on#match1

Sir Cambridge Jany 30.[-31] 1776

Your favours of the 6th & 20th Instant, I received yesterday with the several resolves of Congress alluded to, for which I return you my thanks.

Knowing the great Importance Canada will be of to us in the present Interesting contest, and the releif our Friends there stand in need of, I should be happy, were It in my power to detach a Batallion from this Camp, But It cannot be done—On the 19 Inst. I had the Honor to write you, which will fully Convey the Resolutions of a Council of War & the Sentiments of the General Officers here, as to the propriety and expediency of sending Troops from these Lines, for the defence of which we have been, & now are, Obliged to call in the Militia, to which I [215] beg leave to refer you—You may rest assured, that my endeavours & exertions shall not be wanting to Stimulate the Governments of Connecticut & New Hampshire to raise & forward reinforcements as fast as possible, nor in any other instance that will promote the expedition.

I shall in Obedience to the Order of Congress, tho Interdicted by General Howe, propose an Exchange of Governor Skeene for Mr Lovell & family, & shall be happy to have an Opportunity of putting this deserving man (who has distinguished his fidelity & regard to his Country to be too great for persecution & Cruelty to overcome) in any post agreable to his wishes & inclination.

I do not know that there is any particular rank annexed to the Office of Aid de Camp—Generally they are Captains & Rank as such—But higher rank is often given on account of particular merit, & particular circumstances—Aids to the King have the Rank of Colonels—Whether any distinction should be made between those of your Commander in Cheif, & the other Generals I really know not[.] I think there ought.

You may rely that Conolly had Instructions concealed in his Saddle—Mr Eustice who was one of Ld Dunmores family, & Another Gentleman who wishes his Name not to be mentioned, saw them cased in Tin, put in the Tree & covered over—he probably has exchanged his Saddle, or withdrew the papers when It was mended as you Conjecture—those that have been discovered are sufficiently bad, but I doubt not of the Others being worse & containing more diabolical & extensive plans—I hope he will be taken proper care of & meet with rewards equal to his merits.

I shall appoint Officers in the places of those which are in Canada, as I am fully persuaded they will wish to continue there, for making our Conquest complete in that Quarter. I wish their bravery & valor may be attended with the smiles of Fortune.

It gives me great pleasure to hear of the measures Congress are taking for manufactoring powder—I hope their endeavours will be Crowned with Success—I too well know and regret the want of It—It is scarcely possible to describe the disadvantages an Army must labour under, when not provided with a sufficient supply of this Necessary—It may seem strange that [216] after having received about 11, Tons added to about five Tons which I found here and no General Action has happened, that we should be so deficient in this Article & require more—But you will please to consider besides Its being in its nature subject to waste, & whilst the men lay in bad Tents was unavoidably damaged by severe & heavy rains (which could not have been prevented, unless It had been entirely withdrawn from them, and an Attack hazarded against us without ammunition in their hands) that the Armed Vessels—Our own occasional firings, & some small Supplies I have been Obliged to afford the Sea port Towns threatned with destruction, to which may be added the Supply to the militia, & going off of the old Troops, have occasioned & ever will a large consumption of It & waste, in spite of all the care in the world—The Kings Troops never have less than 60 rounds a man in their possession Independant of their Stores—to supply an Army of 20,000 in this manner, would take near 400 Barrells, allowing nothing for Stores Artillery &ca—I have been always afraid to place more than 12 or 15 Rounds at a time in the hands of our men, lest any Accident happening to It, we should be left destitute & be undone—I have been thus particular not only to shew our poverty, but to exculpate myself, from even a suspicion of unnecessary waste.

I shall Inform the paymaster General of the Resolution of Congress, respecting his drafts, & the mode & amount of them.

The Companies at Chelsea & Malden are, & have always been Regimented—It was not my Intention to replace with Continental Troops the Independant Companies at Hingham, Weymouth & Braintree—these places are exposed, but not more so than Cape Ann, Beverly, Salem, Marblehead &c. &c. &ca.

Is It the Intention of Congress that the Officers of the Army should pay postage? they are not exempted by the Resolve of the 9th Inst.

The Congress will be pleased, I have no doubt, to recollect, that the 500,000 Dollars now coming, are but little more than enough to bring us up to the first day of this Month, that tomorrow will be the last of It & by their Resolves the Troops are to be paid Monthly.

I wish It was in my power to furnish Congress with such a [217] General as they desire to send to Canada. Since the unhappy reverse of our Affairs in that Quarter, General Schuyler has Informed me, that though he had thoughts of declining the service before, he would now Act. My Letter of the 11th will Inform them of General Lee’s being at New York, he will be ready to Obey their Orders should they Incline to send him, But If I am not greatly deceived, he or some other spirited able Officer will be wanted there in the Spring, if not sooner, as we have undoubted Intelligence that General Clinton has sailed with some Troops—the reports of their Number are various, from between 400 & 500 to Nineteen Companies of Grenadiers & light Infantry—It is also Immagined that the Regiments which were to sail the 1st of December are Intended for that place or Virginia—General Putnam is a most valuable man, & a fine executive Officer, but I do not know how he would conduct in a separate department—he is a younger Major General, than Mr Schuyler—who as I have observed, having determined to continue in service, will I expect repair into Canada—A Copy of my Letter to him on this & other Subjects I inclose you, as It will explain my motives for not stopping the Regiments from these Governments.

When Captain Cochran arrives I will give him every Assistance in my power, in obedience to the Orders of Congress—but I fear It will be the means of laying up our own Vessells as these people will not bear the distinction—should this be the consequence, It will be highly prejudicial to us, as we some times pick up their provision Vessells, and may continue to distress them in this way—Last week Captain Manly took a Ship & a Brig bound to Boston, from White Haven with Coals cheifly, & some potatoes for the Army—I have for his great vigilance & Industry appointed him Commodore of our Little Squadron & he now hoists his Flag on board the Schooner Hancock.

I congratulate you upon the recovery of Smith, and am exceedingly glad to hear of the measures Congress are taking for the General defence of the Continent—the Clouds thicken fast, where they will burst I know not, but we should be armed at all points.

I have not succeeded in my applications to these Governments for Arms, they have returned for Answer, that they cannot furnish any—Whether I shall be more lucky in the last resource [218] left me in this quarter, I cannot determine, having not received returns from the Officers sent out to purchase of the people—I greatly fear, that but very few will be procured in this way, as they are exceedingly scarce, & but a small part of what there are, fit for service—When they make their report, you shall be Informed.

The Quarter Master General has just received from General Schuyler, Clothing for the Soldiery amounting to about £1700 York Currency, It has come very seasonably as they are in great want, and will contribute a little to their releif.

Since Writing the above I saw Mr Eustice, & mentioning that Nothing had been found in the Tree of Connolly’s Saddle, he told me that there had been a mistake in the matter; That the Instructions were artfully concealed in the Two peices of Wood which are on the mail pelion of his portmanteau Saddle; that by order of Ld Dunmore he saw them contrived for the purpose, the papers put in & first covered with Tin & over that with a Waxed Canvass Cloth—he is so exceedingly pointed & clear in his Information, that I have no doubt of It’s being true—I could wish ’em to be discovered, as I think they contain some curious & extraordy plans.

In my Letter of the 24 Instant, I mentioned the Arrival of Thirteen of our Coghnawaga Friends—they Honored me with a Talk to day, as did three of the Tribes of the St Johns & Pasmiquoddi Indians—Copies of which I beg leave to Inclose you—I shall write General Schuyler respecting the Tender of Services made by the former, and not to call for their Assistance unless he shall at any time want It, or be under the necessity of doing It, to prevent their taking the side of our Enemies.

I had the honor of writing you on the 19 of November & then Informed you of having engaged Two persons to goe to Nova Scotia on the business recommended in your Letter of the 10th & also that the state of the Army would not then admit of a Sufficient force being sent for carrying into Execution the views of Congress respecting the Dock Yards &c. I would now beg leave to mention, that If the persons sent for Information should report favourably of the expediency and practicability of the measure, that It will not be in my power to detach any men from these Lines, the situation of our Affairs will not allow It—I think It would be advisable to raise them in the Eastern [219] parts of this Government—If It is attempted It must be by people from the Country—A Col. Thompson a Member of the General Court, from the province of main & who is well spoken of by the Court, & a Captain Obrian have been with me—they think the men necessary may be easily engaged there, & the measure practicable; provided there are not more than 200 British Troops at Hallifax—they are willing and ready to Embark in the matter upon the Terms mentiond in their plan which I Inclose you—I would wish you to advert to the considerations Inducing them to the expedition; as I am not without apprehension should It be undertaken upon their plan, that the Innocent & Guilty will be Involved in one common Ruin—I presume they do not expect to receive more than the 5 or £10,000 mentioned in their Scheme & to be at every expence—If we had men to spare It might be undertaken for less than either I conceive—perhaps If Congress do not adopt their proposition, they will Undertake to raise men for that particular purpose, which may be disbanded as soon as It is Effected, & upon the same Terms that are allowed in the Continental Troops in General—Whatever may be the determination of Congress upon the Subject, you will please to communicate it to me Immediately, for the Season most favourable for the Enterprize is advancing fast & we may expect in the Spring that there will be more Troops there & the measure be more difficult to Execute. I have the Honor to be Sir Your Most H. Servt

G: Washington

https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/default.xqy?keys=GEWN-search-6-2&expandNote=on#match1

Dear Sir Boston May 31 1780

Since the last Post, by Which I had the Honour of writing to you, I have seen a Gentleman well acquainted with Nova Scotia, and particularly with Halifax, whose account concerning them, I doubt not, may be depended on. It represents the State of things as they were in December last.

Very fortunately I had Some business with him, which gave me a good opportunity of entering into Conversation with him on the military State of that Province: the result of Which is contained in the paper enclosed, whose contents I communicated to majr Genl Heath. The Situation and description of Halifax & its Defences will be made intelligible by the plan, wch accompanies that Paper. If these Papers Should give any valuable information to yr Excy, and our good Allies, it will afford me the highest satisfaction. I have the honour to be with the Sincerest regard Sir Yr Excellency’s most obedt hble Servt

James Bowdoin

https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/default.xqy?keys=GEWN-search-5-9&expandNote=on#match1

In an undated document docketed “Extracts respectg the Force at, & situation of Hallifax,” likely written in early August, GW wrote: “Honble James Bowdoin Esqr. 31st May 80 Gives a plan & description of the Harbour & Works at Hallifax—Strength 6 Regiments—4 at Hallifax—one at Annapolis—& one at the other Posts. the whole Militia of the Provence of Nova-Scotia is abt 5000 1100 of which are in Hallifax—they were formerly in the Interest of the United States but it is now questionable”

Bowdoin enclosed an undated document in his writing: “The Letters a b c &c. refer to the enclosed Plan of the Town & Port of Halifax in Nova Scotia, copied from a printed one.” The text of the plan reads: “a[.] The Arsenal, Surrounded by a Wall 16 ft high, wch includes about ten acres. On the inside against the wall are buildings for the reception of Stores &c.: on the top of wch Buildings is a walk all round, above which the Wall forms a Breast-work abt four feet high. Within this Enclosure is the Commissioner’s house. Last Summer there was in this Arsenal Cables, Cordage, Sails, &c. &c. &c. to the value of one million pounds sterling. A little North of this is a Fort with Several ps. of cannon, which commands the Harbour above George’s Island.

“b[.] The Citadel, or a Strong Fort (inclosed) on the Back of the Town, and west of a line of Palisades with Blockhouses. It is about one quarter of a mile from the Water, on a very high hill, which overlooks the Town & commands the harbour: the perpendicular height of it above the water being 263 feet, and the flat top of it containing six or eight acres. It is planned for 5 bastions in the lower works, and 4 bastions, higher up the hill, beside Cannon on the Top. Each Bastion when compleated will have ten ps. of Cannon. The Bastions next the Harbour are completed, and the other were intended to be so this spring.

“c[.] A Battery (not inclosed) of 22 Guns, 48 poundrs next the water, on the South Side of the Town.

“dddd. A Breast-work with a Ditch on the back of, and including, the Town & all the Sd works: being about two miles in length, & having Several Spurs with a Cannon in each to Scour the Ditch.

“e[.] a Small Fort wth Several Small Cannon on a hill to the Westward of the Sd Breastwork, & commanded by the Citadel.

f[.] A Battery (not enclosed) of about 12 Guns 24 poundrs on the Point formed by the harbour & Sandwich river, or the N. West Arm.

“These are all the defensive works, that were in Decr last on the West Side of the harbour: but there is a very high large flat rock inaccessible next to the water & bordering on it, near a mile North of Sandwich Point, & opposite to Mauger’s Beach, where Genl McLane talked of making a Fort, & is a very proper place for one: viz. on the flat top of the rock at g.

“On George’s Island (between the Town & the opposite shore) is a Strong Fort with 5 Bastions, each containing ten ps. of Cannon of 24 & 32 p[ounde]rs Situated about 70 or 80 feet (perpendicular) above the water: & also with 4 Bastions Still higher, each containing Six Cannon 24rs making in the whole 74 ps. of Cannon. The top of this Island is about 130 feet perpendicular above the water. These are enclosed works.

“A Battery (not enclosed) of 16 Guns 24rs, on the Back of which is a Barrack for 300, or 400 men & a Blockhouse with Several small Cannon, both enclosed with a Breast-work. These being on the East Side of the harbour, a little more South than George’s Island.

“I could not learn there were any other Land-works for defence.

“To the westward of Halifax Harbour is a fine deep Bay called St Margaret’s Bay, in which are many Islands. The depth of water is Such, that a first rate Ship of war can go to the head of it. It is noticed here, because the head of it is not above 14 miles across by land to the town of Halifax; and (if I do not mis-remember) the ground open & the travelling good. This observation was suggested by another map we had before us, called ’A new map of Nova Scotia & Cape Britain [Breton] &c. published May 1755 by Thos Jeffries, London.’

“There were 6 Regiments of regulars in the Province with about 500 men in each, thus disposed of; viz.: 1 at Annapolis, 1 at other posts, and 4 at Halifax. The whole militia of the Province are abt five thousand. They were 2 or 3 years ago unwilling to take up arms: but for divers reasons will be disposed to it now for the defence of the Province. The militia of Halifax (part of the 5000) are about 1100, & well disciplined. In the County of Lunenburg are 750 within the compass of 12 miles, that can be collected in 3 hours at Lunenberg 15 leagues from Halifax. Between these two places there is either no road, or the road bad. There are but few Inhabitants in the Province to the East of Halifax. There was a 64 Gun Ship stationed at Halifax near the arsenal with her Guns on board. She was used as a Hulk, by which to heave vessels down: But can be moved to answer the Purpose of a floating Battery. A 74 Gun ship arrived from N. York last Fall & a small Frigate. These were the only armed vessels at Halifax in Decr last. General McLane has greatly strengthened Halifax within these 12 months past: having employed the soldiers & 600 of the militia in that service. He is a vigilant & good Officer, and what adds to his character is, that he has well used our People, who were Prisoners at Halifax” (DLC:GW).

The above description consists in the “minutes explanatory” of a map of Halifax that Bowdoin also enclosed (see n.3 below and Heath to GW, this date).

The plan’s title reads: “Port de Halifax de la Nouvelle Ecosse avec les Recifs, Dangers, Bas fonds et Coudes. Levé par ordre du Brigadier Général Lawr[e]nce Gouverneur de la Province. par Morris prem[ie]r Arpenteur. publié a Londres en 1775. Traduit a Paris chez le Rouge, Rue des grands Augustins 1778.” A note below the title reads: “This is copied from a Map bearing the foregoing Title, except the red lines wch are not in the said Map. These lin⟨e⟩s are imaginary, and are intended only to Shew that there are works of Such a kind there.” The works marked on the plan are the breastwork (“dddd”), the “Small Fort” (“e”), and the “Fort with Several ps. of cannon” near the arsenal (see n.2 above).

https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-26-02-0170

Gentlemen Cambridge. Head Quarters. August. 12. 1775

I have considered the Papers you left with me yesterday: those of them, which relate to Jones, shew him to be a most malignant, & inveterate Enemy to his Country, & as such I trust he will meet with his Deserts: But I have such various, & important Matters requiring my constant Attention, that I must beg Leave to refer him, & all others under similar Circumstances to the Authority of the Province, both for safe Custody & Punishment.

The Payment of the Troops is of such indispensable Necessity, that I must endeavour to use the Powers committed to me by the Honorable Congress so as to remove this Cause of Complaint. I propose to direct the new Paymaster to commence his Payments from the 1st August, & hereafter continue them monthly. I have considered that there are few, if any Men, who have not served two Months; and tho. some have received their Advance twice, it cannot be supposed there are many who have [297] had more: The two Months Service, will then be set against the double Advance, and if a strict Scrutiny is immediately made, which I would recommend; the Accounts may be settled to that Time, the Delinquents probably be detected, and in the End, Justice done both to the Province & the Men. If any Embezzlements have been made by the Officers, they will stand accountable to the Publick, but at all Events the Soldiers are intitled to, and must have their Pay, if any Service is expected from them. The Shirts, Shoes, Stockings & Breeches provided by the Province can be taken on the continental Account; but I apprehend, there will not be the same Necessity to provide Coats, the Continental Congress having ordered Hunting Shirts as an outside Dress—under which, a warm Waistcoat will be cheaper, and more convenient.

As to the Expedition proposed against Nova Scotia by the People of Machias; I cannot but applaud their Spirit & Zeal, but after considering the Reasons offered for it several Objections occur which seem to me unanswerable. I apprehend such an Enterprize inconsistent with the general Principle upon which the united Colonies have proceeded. It is true, that Province has not acceded to Measures of the Congress and they have therefore been excluded from all commercial ⟨Intercourse with the other Colonies; But they have⟩ not commenced Hostilities against them, nor are any to be apprehended: to attack them therefore is a Step of Conquest rather than Defence, & may be attended with very dangerous Consequences. It might perhaps be easy with the Force proposed to make an Incursion into the Province; to overawe those of the Inhabitants who are inimical to our Cause and for a short Time prevent their supplying the Enemy with Provisions, but the same Force must continue to produce any lasting Effects. As to the furnishing Vessels of any Force, you Gentlemen will anticipate me, in pointing out our Weakness, & the Enemy’s Strength. There would be great Danger, that with the best Preparation we could make, they would fall an easy Prey, either to the Man of War on that Station, or some who would be detached from Boston. I have been thus particular to satisfy any Gentlemen of the Court who incline to adopt the Measure: I could offer many other Reasons against it, some of which I doubt not will suggest themselves to the Honbe [298] Board: But it is unnecessary to enumerate them, when our Situation as to Ammunition absolutely forbids our sending a single Ounce out of the Camp at present. I am with great Respect & Regard Gentlemen Your most Obedt and very Hbble Servt

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The Minister opened the conference by observing, that The Council of Massachusettes had represented to him the disadvantages, [439page icon] which their commerce was likely to suffer from the late misfortune in Penobscot, and the advantages which would result, if His Excellency Count D’Estaing could detach a few ships of the line and frigates to be stationed upon their coast, for protecting their commerce and countenancing the operations of their cruisers against that of the enemy. But before he should propose such a measure to Count D’Estaing, he wished to know from The General what purposes the detachment could answer to his military operations, and whether it would enable him to prosecute any offensive enterprise against the enemy—That if he could accompany the request of the Council with assurances of this kind, a motive of such importance would have the greatest influence in determining the concurrence of Count DEstaing, and might the better justify him in deranging or contracting his plans in the West Indies by making a detachment of his force.

The General answered—That if Count D’Estaing could spare a detachment superior to the enemy’s naval force upon this Continent retaining such a force in the West Indies as would put it out of the enemy’s power to detach an equal force to this Continent without leaving themselves inferior in the Islands, the measure would have a high probability of many importa⟨nt⟩ and perhaps decisive advantages: But these would depend upon several contingen[c]ies—the time in which the detachment can arrive, and the position and force of the enemy when it arrives. That the season proper for military operations was now pretty far advanced and to make a Winter-campaign would require a disposition of our magazines peculiar to it, which could not be made with out a large increase of expence; a circumstance not to be desired in the present posture of our affairs, unless the arrival of a naval succour was an event of some certainty. That with respect to the position and force of the enemy they had now about fourteen thousand men at New York and its dependencies and between three and four thousand at Rhode Island—that to reduce the former if it should be concenter⟨ed⟩ on the Island would require extensive preparations before-hand, both as to magazines and aids of men, which could not with propriety be undertaken on a precarious expectation of assistance—But that if the garrison of Rhode-Island should continue there, we should have every reason to expect its reduction in a combined operation—it might however be withdrawn.

He added—That the enemy appear to be making large detachments from New York which the present situation of their affairs seems to exa⟨ct⟩—That there is a high probability of their being left so weak as to give us an opportunity during the Winter of acting effectually against New York, in case of the arrival of a fleet to cooperate with us; even with the force we now have and could suddenly assemble on an [440page icon] emergency—That at all events The French Squadron would be able to strike an important stroke, in the capture and destruction of the enemy’s vessels of war, with a large number of transports and perhaps seamen.

He concluded with observing, That though in the great uncertainty of the arrival of a Squadron, he could not undertake to make expensive preparations for co-operating, nor pledge himself for doing it effectually; yet there was the greatest prospect of utility from the arrival of such a Squadron, and he would engage to do every thing in his power for improving its aid, if it should appear upon our coast: That if the present or future circumstances should permit His Excellency Count D’Estaing to concert a combined operation with the troops of these states against the enemy’s fleets and armies within these States he would be ready to promote the measure to the utmost of our resources and should have the highest hopes of its success—it would however be necessary to prevent delay and give efficacy to the project that he should have some previous notice.

The Minister replied—That The Generals delicacy upon the occasion was very proper; but as he seemed unwilling to give assurances of effectual cooperation, in conveying the application to the Admiral he would only make use of the name of The Council which would no doubt have all the weight due to the application of so respectable a body.

The General assented, observing that occasional mention might be made of the military advantages to be expected from the measure.

The Minister in the next place informed The General that there had been some negotiation between Congress and Monsieur Gerard, on the subject of the Floridas and the limits of the Span⟨ish⟩ dominions in that quarter, concerning which certain resolutions had been taken by Congress which he supposed were known to The General—He added that the Spaniards had in contemplation an expedition against the Floridas which was either already begun or very soon would be begun, and he wished to know the Generals opinion of a cooperation on our part—That it was probable this expedition would immediately divert the enemy’s force from South Carolina and Georgia, and the question then would be whether General Lincolns army would be necessary elsewhere or might be employed in a cooperation wi⟨th⟩ the Spanish forces. That the motive with the French court for wishing such a cooperation was that it would be a meritorious act on the side of the United States toward⟨s⟩ Spain, who though she had all along be⟨en⟩ well disposed to the revolution had entered reluctantly into the war and had not yet acknowleged our independence—that a step of this kind would serve to confirm her good dispositions and to [441page icon] induce her not only to enter into a Treaty with us, but perhaps to assist with a loan of money—That the forces of Spain in the Islands were so considerable as would in all appearance make our aid unnecessary; on which account the utility of it, only contingent and possible, was but a secondary consideration with the Court of France—the desire to engage Spain more firmly in our interests by a mark of our good will to her was the leading and principal one.

The General assured the Minister, that he had the deepest sense of the friendship of France but replied to the matter in question—that he was altogether a stranger to the measures adopted by Congress relative to the Floridas and could give no opinion of the propriety of the cooperation proposed in a civil or political light; but considering it merely as a military question, he saw no objection to the measure on the supposition that the enemy’s force in Georgia and South Carolina be withdrawn without which it would of course be impossible.

The Minister then asked, in case the operation by the Spaniards against the Floridas should not induce the English to abandon the Southern States, whether it would be agreeable that the forces either French or Spanish employed there should cooperate with our troops against those of the enemy in Georgia and South Carolina.

The General replied that he imagined such a cooperation would be desirable.

The Minister inquired in the next place, whether in case The Court of France should find it convenient to send directly from France a Squadron and a few regiments attached to it, to act in conjunction with us in this quarter, it would be agreeable to The United States.

The General thought it would be very advancive of the common cause.

The Minister informed, That Doctor Franklin had purchased a fifty gun ship which The King of France intended to equip, for the benefit of The United States to be sent with two or three frigates to Newfoundland to act against the enemys vessels employed in the Fishery, and afterwards to proceed to Boston to cruise from that port.

He concluded the conference with stating, that in Boston several Gentlemen of influence, some of them members of Congress had conversed with him on the subject of an expedition against Canada and Nova Scotia—That his Christian Majesty had a sincere and disinterested desire to see those two provinces annexed to the American confederacy and would be disposed to promote a plan for this purpose; but that he would undertake nothing of the kind unless the plan was previously approved and digested by The General⟨.⟩ He added that a letter from The General to Congress some time since on the subject of an expedition to Canada had appeared in France and had been [442page icon] submitted to the best military judges, who approved the reasoning and thought the objections to the plan which had been proposed very plausible and powerful—That whenever The General should think the circumstances of this country favourable to such an undertaking, he should be very glad to recommend the plan he should propose, and he was assured that the French Court would give it all the aid in their power.

The General again expressed his sense of the good dispositions of his Christian Majesty; but observed, that while the enemy remain in force in these states, the difficulties stated in his letter alluded to by the Minister would still subsist; but that whenever that force should be removed, he doubted not it would be a leading object with the government to wrest the two forementioned provinces from the power of Britain—that in this case he should esteem himself honored in being consulted on the plan; and was of opinion, that though we should have land force enough for the undertakin[g] without in this respect intruding upon the generosity of our allies, a naval cooperation would certainly be very useful and necessary.

The rest of the Conference consisted in mutual assurances of the friendship of the two countries &c. interspersed on the General’s side with occasional remarks on the importance of removing the war from these states—⟨as⟩ it would enable us to afford ample supplies to the operatio⟨ns⟩ in the West Indies and to act with efficacy in annoying the commerce of the enemy & dispossessing them of their dominions on this Continent.

The foregoing is to the best of my recollection the substance of a conference at which I was present at the time mentioned and interpreted between the Minister and The General.

Alex Hamilton Head Quarters Sepr 18th 1779

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