Colonial Connections 15 - City of Dartmouth

“The general cession of Nova Scotia”

January 3, 2023April 2, 2020 by Dartmouth

220. Mr. Delafaye to the Council of Trade and Plantations. I have laid before the Lords Justices your representation of the proper measures to be taken for the security of Carolina and Nova Scotia. Their Excys. judging that care should likewise be taken at this time to preserve our Settlement upon the Island of Providence, direct that you report the state of it, and what immediate supplies they may stand in need of etc. Signed, Ch. Delafaye. Endorsed, Recd. 2nd. Read 5th Sept., 1720. 1 p. [C.O. 23, 1. No. 26.]

223. i. Extract of letter from Mr. Pulteney to Mr. Delafaye. Paris, Sept. 10th (N.S.) 1720. I was this afternoon with Sir Robt. Sutton at a Conference in the Archbishop of Cambray’s apartment, upon the affair of Canceaux. The Archbishop had with him Monsr. Peque his first Commis, Monsr. Rodeau the Commis of the Marechal d’Etrees, and a captain or master of a ship who has been in those parts of America. We founded our right to the Islands of Canceaux on the Treaty of Utrecht which gives Nova Scotia, and all Islands belonging to it, to the Crown of Great Britain for ever, except Cape Breton and the Islands lying in the mouth of the River of St. Laurentz and in the Gulph of the same name; we said, the Islands of Canceaux were comprehended in the general cession of Nova Scotia as depending on it, and were not excepted with Cape Breton, as not being situated in the mouth of the River, nor in the Gulph of St. Laurentz, but lying very near the coast of Nova Scotia, and joyning almost to the Cape of Canceaux; our demand for excluding the French from the fishery there was founded on the Treaty of Neutrality in America as well as on that of Utrecht, the first declares that they are not to fish anywhere on our coasts, the latter expressly restrains them from fishing on the coast of Nova Scotia within 30 leagues beginning from the island of Sable inclusive and stretching to the South West.

The Archbishop’s assistants claimed a right to the Islands of Canceaux because they are not named in the cession of Nova Scotia, whereas in the cession of Newfoundland it is said we are to have all the Islands adjacent to it, but we shewed in the Article of Nova Scotia, that we are to have tout ce qui depend des dites terres et isles de ce pais là; they then endeavoured to include those islands in the exception with Cape Breton, as being dans l’emboucheure du Golf de St. Lawrentz; the Latin Treaty says—insula vero Cape Breton dicta et aliae quævis tam in ostio fluvii Sti. Laurentis quam in sinu ejusdem nominis— The French runs—Mais l’Isle dite Cape Breton et toutes les autres quelconques situées dans l’emboucheure et dans le Golf de St. Laurent. They would have the emboucheure relate to the Gulf and not to the River as in Latin, and Monsr. Rodeau to support this, said, that the mouth of the River and the Gulf were the same thing, and therefore emboucheure must necessarily relate to the Gulph; they pretended too that the French Treaty is the original, and the only rule to proceed by, tho’ they were told that the Latin must certainly be our rule, and ought to be theirs in this case, being clear and plain, whereas the French could not properly bear the sense they put upon it, but that there seemed to be an omission, perhaps in the transcribing, of the words du fleuve after l’emboucheure; however allowing the French in their sense we said the Islands of Canceaux which lye without the Gut of Canceaux, cannot be reckoned dans l’emboucheure du Golf, the emboucheure being properly between Cape Breton and Newfoundland the great passage to Canada.

As to the fishery they acknowledged the exclusion of 30 leagues from the Island of Sables but were for placing this Island where it might best answer their purpose and instead of drawing the line from thence to the South West, had drawn one, in a map they shewed us, to the South East, and another towards the West directly to the coast of Nova Scotia, so as to cutt off a considerable part of that coast near Cape Canco, and they pretended a right of fishing any where even at Cape Canco without and to the northward of that line. They would not allow that by the Treaty of Neutrality or by that of Utrecht they are excluded from fishing on our coast, tho’ in forming the Article of that of Utrecht relating to the Fishery, the French themselves had proposed these words—Regis Christianissimo subditis in posterum prohibitum sit, in dictis, insulis, maribus, sinubus aliisve locis ad littus Novae Scotiae sive Acadiae spectantibus, piscaturam exercere—and our Ministers added the clause about the 30 leagues.

They plainly told us, that when they came to treat of the limits of Nova Scotia, they will insist on having that part of the land which is southward of their line, they said too that they had formerly Governors at Cape Canceaux, which they make a cut of Island independent of the Governor of Acadia, and they give us likewise to understand that they will pretend to confine our limits of Nova Scotia to that part only which makes a Peninsula. We did not think it proper at this time to enter into any dispute on this subject. I need not trouble you with all the answers we gave to their several pretensions about Canceaux and the fishery; we insisted on the Islands of Canco because it removes the French still further from our coasts tho’ I fancy the complaint against them is for fishing at Cape Canco itself, but as this was not plainly distinguished in the papers sent to me, which said only Canco in general, we thought it safest to demand the most, especially since the Islands are not far distant from the Cape. The Archbishop seemed to sit by as an Arbitrator, but whenever he put in his word did not do it as an impartial one.

He proposed at last to put something in writing as the resultat, of this conference and as taking it to be on the foot of the Commission, but we said we had particular orders on this subject and were to desire an immediate resolution from the Regent to whom the Archbishop was to report what had been said on both sides; we expect an answer in writing to the Memorial Sr. Robert Sutton gave in, and we shall make a reply. It had been proposed at the Treaty of Utrecht to divide Cape Breton, the South part for us, the North part for the French, and I remember in a letter of Lord Bolingbroke’s on this subject that he says, that if the French insist upon the whole Island it must be with a view to disturb our settlements of Nova Scotia; what are we to judge of their insisting on Islands which lye much nearer than Cape Breton does to Nova Scotia, and even claiming part of the Continent of Nova Scotia. Same endorsement. 51/8 pp.

232. ii. Reply of the Archbishop of Cambrai to the Memorial of Sir R. Sutton, Aug. 23, (N.S.), 1720. Paris, Sept. 12th. (N.S.) 1720. Refers to Sir R. Sutton’s Memorial. Continues: His Royal Highness has caused to be explained to Sir R. Sutton and Mr. Pulteney the reasons for the claim that the islands of Canceau are no part of Nova Scotia, from which they are separated by a broad and deep arm of the sea, which is the same as that which separates the Peninsula, where Nova Scotia is, from the Island of Cape Breton, and that not only have they not been ceded to Great Britain, but they have been reserved to France by Article 13 of the Treaty of Utrecht, with all the other islands situated in the mouth and in the gulph of St. Lawrence. These reasons appear so evident and so decisive, that H.R.H. hopes that when they are reported to the King of Great Britain, he will fully recognise their justice, and give orders to prevent the subjects of the King of Isle Royale being disturbed in their fishing about the Islands of Canceau, or in the stay they make there to cure their fish. With regard to the limits prescribed for fishing on the coast to the S.E. of Nova Scotia, H.R.H. has had it explained to Sir R. Sutton and Mr. Pulteney that he would issue instructions in conformity with the 12th Article of the Treaty of Utrecht, to restrain under severe penalties the subjects of the King from fishing within the space of 30 leagues from all the S.E. coast of Nova Scotia, beginning from Sable Island inclusively, and running S.W. Copy. French. 2½ pp.

232. xi. Memorandum [? by Governor Nicholson]. Proposes that when forts shall be built either in Nova Scotia, Virginia, Carolina or the Bahama Islands, the land adjacent thereto be appropriated for the use of the Garrison etc. 1 p.

“America and West Indies: September 1720, 1-15.” Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 32, 1720-1721. Ed. Cecil Headlam. London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1933. 132-144. British History Online. Web. 2 April 2020. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol32/pp132-144.

Disorders in the colonies

January 3, 2023April 2, 2020 by Dartmouth

The disorders in the colonies do not seem to have been caused by the defects in the forms or constitutions of government. They have not prevailed in proportion as one has been under a more popular form of government than another. They must be attributed to a cause, common to all the colonies,—a loose, false, and absurd notion of the nature of government, spread by designing, artful men, setting bounds to the supreme authority, and admitting parts of the community, and even individuals, to judge when those bounds are exceeded, and to obey or disobey accordingly.

These principles prevailing, there can be no interior force exerted, and disorder and confusion must be the effect; and when there is no apprehension of force from the supreme authority, the effect is the same in the distinct parts as in the whole. Under these circumstances, measures for reforming the constitution of any people will probably be ineffectual, and tend to increase their disorders. The colonies were under these circumstances when he wrote his first private letter. There was a general opinion prevailing that they could distress the kingdom by withdrawing their commerce from it, and that there was not the least danger of any compulsory measures.

In this colony there was room to hope for a change of circumstances, but it was uncertain, and probably at a distance. They had just felt the shock of that most fortunate stroke which freed the Castle from any dependence upon the people, and kept the harbour and town of Boston under the command of the King’s ships; but the effects did not appear. He was striving for a just decision in the case of the soldiers, and not without hope, but far from being certain of success. There was a prospect of the dissolution of the confederacies against importation, though several of the colonies appeared to be more resolute.

There was also an expectation of a rupture between Great Britain and France or Spain, or both, which would tend to show the people their dependence on the kingdom, and the reasonableness of their submission to the supreme authority. He was not insensible of the peculiar defects in the constitution of this province, and he has complained of the Council as being under undue influence, and casting their weight into that scale which had much too great proportion before; but was doubtful himself, and there were others doubtful also, whether, while the body of the people continued in the state they were then in, councillors appointed by the Crown would dare to undertake the trust, or, if they should do it, whether the people in general would not refuse to submit to their authority; and he feared the consequences of either would more than countervail the advantages to arise merely from an alteration in the constitution. To this must be attributed the want of determination which appeared in his private letters, and not to any unwillingness to trust his Lordship with his real sentiments.

Such resentment has been everywhere expected. If omitted, they will go back to their former disorders. That wise step of changing the garrison at the Castle began their cure. In the height of this confusion a citadel upon Fort Hill seemed also to be necessary. Now thinks the same end is answered without it. It may, however, be proper for the King to have the actual possession of the spot, either by erecting a warehouse or magazine, or by making some kind of enclosure to restrain encroachments, and yet not prevent the inhabitants from using the place to walk and air themselves in, as they now frequently do. There is a vote of the town for selling it. Will watch their motions, and, if anything further is attempted, will take public notice of it. If no further advances are made for securing good behaviour, there certainly will be no receding. To depart suddenly from what has been done at the Castle, &c. would be very dangerous.

Every Act of Parliament carried into execution in the colonies tends to strengthen Government there. A firm persuasion that Parliament is determined at all events to maintain the supreme authority is all they want; few or none are so weak as to question the power to do it. If Acts were passed more or less to control them every Session, they would soon be familiarized to them; their erroneous opinions would die away, and peace and order would revive. An Act to enable the King to alter the bounds of the province by his commission, the charter notwithstanding, by making the province of Main, and country east of it, a distinct and separate province, and to annex or not, as His Majesty should think fit, New Hampshire to the Massachusetts, or to separate the country east of Penobscot and annex it to Nova Scotia, might either be kept as a rod over them, or, if executed immediately, would show a just resentment against the province for countenancing the intrusions in the eastern country, whereby the King’s timber is exposed to waste and havoc, and would be a striking instance of the power and authority of Parliament.

Gives his reasons for thinking that the Act would be executed. Suggests that whenever the charter and case of the province comes under consideration, instead of expressly declaring that the power of electing councillors by the Assembly shall determine, the King should be enabled by his Royal order of declaration to determine it, and to appoint a Council instead, as he shall think proper. The late Act permitting the issue of bills of credit at New York was extremely well adapted to maintain the authority of Parliament.

“George III: January 1771.” Calendar of Home Office Papers (George III): 1770-2. Ed. Richard Arthur Roberts. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1881. 182-200. British History Online. Web. 2 April 2020. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/home-office-geo3/1770-2/pp182-200.

America and West Indies Colonial Papers: September 1720, 1-15

March 11, 2024April 2, 2020 by Dartmouth

The comprises correspondence regarding the security and territorial disputes involving Carolina, Nova Scotia, and the Island of Providence in 1720. Mr. Delafaye conveyed concerns about the security of these regions, prompting inquiries into the state of the Island of Providence and its immediate needs. Meanwhile, Mr. Pulteney reported on negotiations in Paris regarding the ownership of the Islands of Canceaux, situated near Nova Scotia. The British delegation argued for British sovereignty over Canceaux based on the Treaty of Utrecht, while the French claimed ownership citing the treaty’s language and historical governance. The Archbishop of Cambrai supported France’s claim, referencing the treaty’s exclusion of Canceaux from British possession and asserting French fishing rights. Discussions also touched on fishing rights along the coast of Nova Scotia, with France agreeing to abide by the Treaty of Utrecht’s provisions. Governor Nicholson proposed appropriating land for garrisons near future forts in various regions, including Nova Scotia, Virginia, Carolina, and the Bahamas.

Mr. Delafaye to the Council of Trade and Plantations. I have laid before the Lords Justices your representation of the proper measures to be taken for the security of Carolina and Nova Scotia. Their Excys. judging that care should likewise be taken at this time to preserve our Settlement upon the Island of Providence, direct that you report the state of it, and what immediate supplies they may stand in need of etc. Signed, Ch. Delafaye. Endorsed, Recd. 2nd. Read 5th Sept., 1720. 1 p. [C.O. 23, 1. No. 26.]

i. Extract of letter from Mr. Pulteney to Mr. Delafaye. Paris, Sept. 10th (N.S.) 1720.

I was this afternoon with Sir Robt. Sutton at a Conference in the Archbishop of Cambray’s apartment, upon the affair of Canceaux. The Archbishop had with him Monsr. Peque his first Commis, Monsr. Rodeau the Commis of the Marechal d’Etrees, and a captain or master of a ship who has been in those parts of America. We founded our right to the Islands of Canceaux on the Treaty of Utrecht which gives Nova Scotia, and all Islands belonging to it, to the Crown of Great Britain for ever, except Cape Breton and the Islands lying in the mouth of the River of St. Laurentz and in the Gulph of the same name; we said, the Islands of Canceaux were comprehended in the general cession of Nova Scotia as depending on it, and were not excepted with Cape Breton, as not being situated in the mouth of the River, nor in the Gulph of St. Laurentz, but lying very near the coast of Nova Scotia, and joyning almost to the Cape of Canceaux; our demand for excluding the French from the fishery there was founded on the Treaty of Neutrality in America as well as on that of Utrecht, the first declares that they are not to fish anywhere on our coasts, the latter expressly restrains them from fishing on the coast of Nova Scotia within 30 leagues beginning from the island of Sable inclusive and stretching to the South West.

They would have the emboucheure relate to the Gulf and not to the River as in Latin, and Monsr. Rodeau to support this, said, that the mouth of the River and the Gulf were the same thing, and therefore emboucheure must necessarily relate to the Gulph; they pretended too that the French Treaty is the original, and the only rule to proceed by, tho’ they were told that the Latin must certainly be our rule, and ought to be theirs in this case, being clear and plain, whereas the French could not properly bear the sense they put upon it, but that there seemed to be an omission, perhaps in the transcribing, of the words du fleuve after l’emboucheure; however allowing the French in their sense we said the Islands of Canceaux which lye without the Gut of Canceaux, cannot be reckoned dans l’emboucheure du Golf, the emboucheure being properly between Cape Breton and Newfoundland the great passage to Canada.

Monsr. Rodeau would have it that there are three emboucheures to the Golf, and the Gut of Canco is one; the Captain pretended that the whole space between Cape Canco and the extremity of Labroder, in which space lye the Islands of Cape Breton Newfoundland and others, was properly the emboucheure du Golf; Monsr. Pequé went further and maintained that Cape Breton and the Islands of Canco (which by their accounts are four leagues, and by ours 7 leagues distant from it) are in the Gulf itself, from these words l’Isle de Cape Breton et toutes les autres quelconques situees dans l’emboucheure et dans le Golf de St. Laurentz; but tho’ this was merely a quirk on the word autres and might as well serve to place them in the mouth of the River; the Archbishop himself seemed to think this observation was very material. As to the fishery they acknowledged the exclusion of 30 leagues from the Island of Sables but were for placing this Island where it might best answer their purpose and instead of drawing the line from thence to the South West, had drawn one, in a map they shewed us, to the South East, and another towards the West directly to the coast of Nova Scotia, so as to cutt off a considerable part of that coast near Cape Canco, and they pretended a right of fishing any where even at Cape Canco without and to the northward of that line.

They would not allow that by the Treaty of Neutrality or by that of Utrecht they are excluded from fishing on our coast, tho’ in forming the Article of that of Utrecht relating to the Fishery, the French themselves had proposed these words—Regis Christianissimo subditis in posterum prohibitum sit, in dictis, insulis, maribus, sinubus aliisve locis ad littus Novae Scotiae sive Acadiae spectantibus, piscaturam exercere—and our Ministers added the clause about the 30 leagues.

ii. Reply of the Archbishop of Cambrai to the Memorial of Sir R. Sutton, Aug. 23, (N.S.), 1720. Paris, Sept. 12th. (N.S.) 1720. Refers to Sir R. Sutton’s Memorial. Continues: His Royal Highness has caused to be explained to Sir R. Sutton and Mr. Pulteney the reasons for the claim that the islands of Canceau are no part of Nova Scotia, from which they are separated by a broad and deep arm of the sea, which is the same as that which separates the Peninsula, where Nova Scotia is, from the Island of Cape Breton, and that not only have they not been ceded to Great Britain, but they have been reserved to France by Article 13 of the Treaty of Utrecht, with all the other islands situated in the mouth and in the gulph of St. Lawrence.

These reasons appear so evident and so decisive, that H.R.H. hopes that when they are reported to the King of Great Britain, he will fully recognise their justice, and give orders to prevent the subjects of the King of Isle Royale being disturbed in their fishing about the Islands of Canceau, or in the stay they make there to cure their fish. With regard to the limits prescribed for fishing on the coast to the S.E. of Nova Scotia, H.R.H. has had it explained to Sir R. Sutton and Mr. Pulteney that he would issue instructions in conformity with the 12th Article of the Treaty of Utrecht, to restrain under severe penalties the subjects of the King from fishing within the space of 30 leagues from all the S.E. coast of Nova Scotia, beginning from Sable Island inclusively, and running S.W. Copy. French. 2½ pp.

xi. Memorandum [? by Governor Nicholson]. Proposes that when forts shall be built either in Nova Scotia, Virginia, Carolina or the Bahama Islands, the land adjacent thereto be appropriated for the use of the Garrison etc. 1 p.

Disorders in the colonies

March 12, 2024April 2, 2020 by Dartmouth

The passage discusses the underlying causes of disorder in the American colonies during the lead-up to the Revolutionary War. It attributes these disorders to a common misconception about the nature of government, perpetuated by individuals who sought to limit supreme authority and grant judgmental powers to certain segments of society. Despite the turmoil mainly associated with the continental colonies, Nova Scotia was also embroiled in similar unrest. The text outlines efforts to address the situation, including the possibility of altering the colony’s constitution and strengthening royal authority through various measures. It reflects on the evolving temper of the people and the need for decisive action to maintain order, suggesting potential legislative actions and administrative changes to assert parliamentary authority and address colonial grievances.

“The disorders in the colonies do not seem to have been caused by the defects in the forms or constitutions of government. They have not prevailed in proportion as one has been under a more popular form of government than another. They must be attributed to a cause, common to all the colonies,—a loose, false, and absurd notion of the nature of government, spread by designing, artful men, setting bounds to the supreme authority, and admitting parts of the community, and even individuals, to judge when those bounds are exceeded, and to obey or disobey accordingly. These principles prevailing, there can be no interior force exerted, and disorder and confusion must be the effect; and when there is no apprehension of force from the supreme authority, the effect is the same in the distinct parts as in the whole. Under these circumstances, measures for reforming the constitution of any people will probably be ineffectual, and tend to increase their disorders. The colonies were under these circumstances when he wrote his first private letter. There was a general opinion prevailing that they could distress the kingdom by withdrawing their commerce from it, and that there was not the least danger of any compulsory measures. In this colony there was room to hope for a change of circumstances, but it was uncertain, and probably at a distance. They had just felt the shock of that most fortunate stroke which freed the Castle from any dependence upon the people, and kept the harbour and town of Boston under the command of the King’s ships; but the effects did not appear. He was striving for a just decision in the case of the soldiers, and not without hope, but far from being certain of success. There was a prospect of the dissolution of the confederacies against importation, though several of the colonies appeared to be more resolute. There was also an expectation of a rupture between Great Britain and France or Spain, or both, which would tend to show the people their dependence on the kingdom, and the reasonableness of their submission to the supreme authority. He was not insensible of the peculiar defects in the constitution of this province, and he has complained of the Council as being under undue influence, and casting their weight into that scale which had much too great proportion before; but was doubtful himself, and there were others doubtful also, whether, while the body of the people continued in the state they were then in, councillors appointed by the Crown would dare to undertake the trust, or, if they should do it, whether the people in general would not refuse to submit to their authority; and he feared the consequences of either would more than countervail the advantages to arise merely from an alteration in the constitution. To this must be attributed the want of determination which appeared in his private letters, and not to any unwillingness to trust his Lordship with his real sentiments.

The change in the temper of the people has been brought about sooner, and to a greater degree, than anybody could expect; and they seem now to be as well prepared to receive such a change in the constitution as at any future time; or, if it should be deferred, they will probably remain in tolerably good order until such time as may be judged convenient, provided something is done in the meantime to discover the resentment of the kingdom against their avowed principles and practices, which shall give them cause to imagine that further measures are to be taken with them. Such resentment has been everywhere expected. If omitted, they will go back to their former disorders. That wise step of changing the garrison at the Castle began their cure. In the height of this confusion a citadel upon Fort Hill seemed also to be necessary. Now thinks the same end is answered without it. It may, however, be proper for the King to have the actual possession of the spot, either by erecting a warehouse or magazine, or by making some kind of enclosure to restrain encroachments, and yet not prevent the inhabitants from using the place to walk and air themselves in, as they now frequently do. There is a vote of the town for selling it. Will watch their motions, and, if anything further is attempted, will take public notice of it. If no further advances are made for securing good behaviour, there certainly will be no receding. To depart suddenly from what has been done at the Castle, &c. would be very dangerous. Every Act of Parliament carried into execution in the colonies tends to strengthen Government there. A firm persuasion that Parliament is determined at all events to maintain the supreme authority is all they want; few or none are so weak as to question the power to do it. If Acts were passed more or less to control them every Session, they would soon be familiarized to them; their erroneous opinions would die away, and peace and order would revive. An Act to enable the King to alter the bounds of the province by his commission, the charter notwithstanding, by making the province of Main, and country east of it, a distinct and separate province, and to annex or not, as His Majesty should think fit, New Hampshire to the Massachusetts, or to separate the country east of Penobscot and annex it to Nova Scotia, might either be kept as a rod over them, or, if executed immediately, would show a just resentment against the province for countenancing the intrusions in the eastern country, whereby the King’s timber is exposed to waste and havoc, and would be a striking instance of the power and authority of Parliament. Gives his reasons for thinking that the Act would be executed. Suggests that whenever the charter and case of the province comes under consideration, instead of expressly declaring that the power of electing councillors by the Assembly shall determine, the King should be enabled by his Royal order of declaration to determine it, and to appoint a Council instead, as he shall think proper. The late Act permitting the issue of bills of credit at New York was extremely well adapted to maintain the authority of Parliament.”

Hay Party

January 3, 2023April 2, 2020 by Dartmouth

(aa.) Admiral Graves to Mr. Stephens, Boston, 18 May.—I find that the rebellion begun in Massachusetts Bay has spread itself to New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. There is too much reason to apprehend the infection is general, since even Nova Scotia has shown symptoms in burning a quantity of hay collected for the use of the troops. I submit, therefore, how extremely useful a few of the old fifty-gun ships would be to serve in the rivers of this continent, &c. Every day’s experience shows that we can hope for no supplies the rebels can prevent; their vigilance extends even to firewood, which is expressly forbidden to be sold, and guards are placed along the coast for that purpose.

“George III: June 1775.” Calendar of Home Office Papers (George III): 1773-5. Ed. Richard Arthur Roberts. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1899. 350-362. British History Online. Web. 2 April 2020. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/home-office-geo3/1773-5/pp350-362.

(d.) Captain Andrew Barkley to Admiral Graves. (Piscataqua, 19 May 1775.)—The people of Halifax, in Nova Scotia, assembled and destroyed a magazine of hay collected there for the use of H.M.’s troops, and attempted to destroy the King’s yard, but were prevented by some part of the inhabitants.

“George III: July 1775.” Calendar of Home Office Papers (George III): 1773-5. Ed. Richard Arthur Roberts. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1899. 362-378. British History Online. Web. 2 April 2020. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/home-office-geo3/1773-5/pp362-378.

Ensign of Nova Scotia

January 3, 2023December 11, 2019 by Dartmouth

See also:

A plan of the harbour of Chebucto and town of Halifax

A plan of the harbour of Chebucto and town of Halifax, Harris, Moses. [London] : [Gentleman's Magazine] 1750. https://archive.org/details/McGillLibrary-rbsc-maps_G3422_H3_1750_H3-17130/mode/1up

To George Washington from a Citizen of Nova Scotia

January 3, 2023August 30, 2019 by Dartmouth

Lightly edited for legibility.

Cumberland Nova Scotia February 8th 1776

“Sir: You may Reasonably imagine that it is presumption in me to take such Liberty in writing your Excellency, still its Going from one whose principles are Actuated from A Genuine feeling of Liberty, and an Indelible Anxiety for the happiness of his Country, Animates an Assurance that it will meet, rather with a feeling of sympathy then Censure, more particular as it is Addressed to you sir who is at the head of that Army who is Opposing the mandates of a Corrupt and despotic ministry, whose Views and Intent Can be founded on no other principle, then to bring the subjects of Britain to an abject slavery, as the subjects of the most Arbitrary Eastern monarch—

Sensible I am of the Importance of this proceeding, my Inability of performing any thing in this Great struggle and the Danger I Expose myself and Family to, in being Treated with that accumulated Vengeance used by such men, who Are Actuated by public as well as private prejudices, Still my fear and dread is Yet more when I Consider the state of my Country, that by lying passive I Expose myself and posterity to be bound in Chains of slavery & Wretchedness not only that but have, that Infamous Epithet Entailed upon them, of being Like those sluggish & slothful wretches as Represented of the Tribe of Issachar, you will therefore pardon this Impudence of mine.

The Great Contest between Britain and America, has hitherto been only Treated with Speculation among us, a Spirit of Sympathy I presume for our brethren on the Continent reigns in the breasts of the Generality of the Inhabitants—with gladness and Cheerfulness would we be Active in the Glorious struggle; had our situation and Circumstances been any way such that there was the Least Glimpse of success, but our Remoteness from the other Colonies and our form of Government Joined with the Indigent Circumstances of the Inhabitants renders it in a manner Impossible without succor from some other quarter.

Time not permitting and my mind Impressed with Accumulated Troubles for Our situation, nor is it Necessary for the present Intention to Give a Detail of the different proceedings and managements of Government, so much will suffice as will give your Excellency an Idea of the Rise of our Impending Calamity if providence does not stir up some means to Avert it—the Generality of the province as I before mentioned sympathized with the Colonies—the Least Encouragement or Opportunity would have Excited the people to Join in the Defense of the Liberties of America, always Rejoicing when the[y] heard any flying Report that an Invasion was intended.

A Necessity there was that the Rulers in Government should use every mean and method to prevent giving uneasiness to the people if they had had a mind to Preserve peace, Yet notwithstanding the men at the Head of Government with their Emissaries, following the Example of their patrons the Ministry, stimulated with an Expectation of Recommending themselves by showing their Jealousness for the prerogative—Prompts on the Governour to Issue proclamations Laying Certain Restraints on the people—then Joining in Association offering their Lives and fortunes in the Defense of the supremacy of parliament, and then to Complete the matter advices the Governour to Call the Assembly together at a time when the small pox was raging at a great degree, many of the Country members Could not attend on Account of the Distemper—

A Bill was passed for Raising a Regiment By Ballot, and another for Raising a Tax to support them, The preamble to the Latter was such that in my View it Carried the greatest Implication of a Declaration of war against the Colonies, This flagrant proof of the Intention of these miscreants, roused a spirit among the people & public declarations was made, which before was not heard—some were immediately for applying to your Excellency—business was Entirely stagnated, nothing to be heard but war, This County in particular, The Inhabitants being Called to Appear by the Commanding Officer of Militia, They Complied with the order and when met, they all to a man Charged the Officers on their peril to draw a person—The Inhabitants then Agreed that an Address Remonstrance and petition be sent the Governour, praying the suspending the Execution of said Acts and to dissolve the house of Assembly & Call a new one to meet immediately, The Governour Gave no other Answer, then ordering the Officers of Militia & Tax Gatherers to Desist for the present the putting the Acts into Execution, on the receipt of this the County of Cumberland Again met and Resolved almost unanimous that it was no way satisfactory, and that it was only to delay time till a number of Troops Could be distributed through the different parts as we had sufficient Reason to Imagine so by the preparation & other Intelligences at Halifax, We have therefore again petitioned, pressing His Excellency the Governour to Answer our former Request by Dissolving the Assembly, and for the first time hinting to him our feeling for the Commotions in the British Empire &c.—

In this time some Recruiting parties Came among us, as also a person whom we have found to be a spy, these with others who Lives among us whose principle are Actuated by private prejudices besides their Enthusiasm for Arbitrary Authority are making strong Solicitations to have Troops sent among us, the fear of which has Occasioned much disorder and discontent among us many Are afraid of speaking—There is also among us several families which Lately Came from England, they in general speak something in favor of parliament are willing to submit to Little Taxes, as they have been Accustomed to pay so heavy ones in their own Country, these Encourages the minions of Government—We Can have no Certainty how matters Are passing, News are Constantly propagated to the disadvantage of the Americans, and of the Intentions & success of the other side, & that almost every foreign power intends Assisting Britain—sometimes we have a flying Report that the Americans has Allies to help them, but this is Generally stifled, all these things keeps us in a flutter.

The Straggling manner in which people has settled this New Country makes it very difficult and in a manner almost Impossible for them to Act either offensive or defensive, The people in General have Great families which will Occasion a lamentable scene should British Troops Arrive here before any succor Comes from your Excellency—We would Greatly Rejoice Could we be able to Join with the other Colonies, but we must have other Assistance before we Can Act Publicly—

I would observe to your Excellency Concerning the Acadians, I have dwelt among them near six & Twenty Years, I am well Acquainted with their manners & ways—I have taken Great pains in Conversing with them Concerning these Commotions, They Are to a man wholly Inclined to the Cause of America, I have often pitied them in their situation & the manner of proceedings Against them from time to time, I have made proposals to them & Promised if ever in my power to do my utmost for their Relief & to Lay the state of their matter before the Honorable the Continental Congress, not doubting but they would be Relived, by this Opportunity I have sent a young man belonging to themselves he may be able to Answer any Questions your Excellency may want to know.

A Committee was Chosen Lately by the Inhabitants to fall upon such methods As might be thought Conducive for the public safety—but on their meeting two or three times, suspicions Rise that they intended sending to the Continent, the News of which was sent immediately to Halifax—The Committee perceiving these things, found they Could not Continue As they subjected themselves to be made prisoners, they therefore Agreed to Lay aside the sending to New England as a Committee but if any should Choose to do any thing of themselves they might—The Bearer Captain Jonathan Eddy declared that he would immediately sett of by Land, and Lay our situation before your Excellency, a Number drew upon a small Incorrect address to Recommend him to your Excellency, he will no doubt fully prove that he is Capable for the undertaking—I have also at the same time sent two Frenchmen to Return immediately from Machias in Order to know what we Are to Expect.

(Jonathan Eddy (c.1727–1804), a native of Norton, Mass., participated in Lt. Col. John Winslow’s expedition to Nova Scotia in 1755 and settled there after the end of the French and Indian War. For Eddy’s efforts with John Allan to overthrow the royal government in Nova Scotia, see source note. In November 1776 Eddy attempted to capture Fort Cumberland in western Nova Scotia with a small force of men but failed. He returned to Massachusetts about 1777 and eventually settled in northern Maine.)

Your Excellency may see by this, with the other Information you may Receive, our situation, you have no doubt an Unlimited power to help the distress’d in this Critical time, I trust & Rely that this Joined with your own humane disposition, will Excite your Excellency to Give us Assistance.

Should your Excellency incline helping us, it would be Necessary to take Care how any Troops Comes, my Grand View in this is, to prevent the Effusion of blood for should it be known where they Came, I imagine that a force would be sent to Oppose—the present situation of the province Respecting force is very trifling & the fear our Great men is in Concerning an Invasion makes it more so, they have but about 1200 Regular Troops in Halifax, Including a Number of Raw Recruits from Newfoundland & other places—the 27th Regt Lately arrived is stationed in the Navel Yard & there Endeavoring to fortify Round the Town—but I think it is but trifling, We have this Comfort that should no other Troops Arrive they may not send up to molest us—had we at this present time Two or Three hundred men it would secure all that part of the province between this and Halifax and I am Convinced that that number would prevent 5000 from Coming through the woods—

Captain Eddy will make known to your Excellency the most suitable manner how to Interduce Troops—I am it may be said more particular in this, in Order to save some friends, one of my brothers is an Officer in the Regiment at Halifax, Galling As this is to me and the feeling of Anguish for this Calamity, will no ways deter me in my Pursuit for the welfare of the public, determined I am to prosecute the matter if God should spare me to Establish those Rights and privileges in this province which should by right be Enjoyed by every humane being—but should your Excellency with the Resolve of the Honorable the Continental Congress Determine not to Give any Assistance it must Occasion the most Direful and horrible Consequence—Let me Beseech your Excellency to help us, Give us an Opportunity of Joining with the other Colonies, it all depends on your bounty.

I must once more plead for your forgiveness for this Liberty I have taken as also Excuse the Incorrectness of my Writing, have not time to Copy and further must Earnestly Request your keeping this from the public, many other Information Could be given but the hurry of Departure of the bearer prevents my saying more, I Refer to him—Any Assistance I Can give your Excellency either by Intelligence or otherwise, I shall Esteem it an honor & duty to perform.

My best wishes for the success of your Arms, may the supreme Ruler of the Universe protect you may the Civil and Religious Liberties of America stand firm and unshaken to the Latest posterity Is my Earnest Prayer. I am with profound Respect Your Excellency’s most Devoted most Obedient & very humble servant”

This unsigned letter was probably written by John Allan (1747–1805), a prominent advocate of the American cause in Cumberland County, Nova Scotia. Allan’s parents brought him to Nova Scotia from Scotland in 1749 or 1750. As a youth he was apparently educated in Massachusetts, and in 1767 he married into one of the many New England families that had settled in Nova Scotia. During 1775 Allan and Jonathan Eddy began organizing resistance to the royal government in western Nova Scotia. Their hopes for an insurrection in early 1776 were disappointed when it became clear that most of their fellow citizens were unwilling to take up arms without military assistance from New England. It was to obtain that assistance that Eddy carried this letter and the Nova Scotia petition of this date to GW. For Eddy’s meeting with GW, see GW to Hancock, 27 Mar. 1776. Referred to Congress by GW, Eddy went to Philadelphia but could not convince the delegates to send a liberating army to Nova Scotia. In August 1776 Allan set out on a similar mission apparently hoping to succeed where Eddy had failed. On 22 Dec. 1776 Allan discussed his plan for attacking Nova Scotia with GW at his headquarters in Pennsylvania, and two weeks later he presented his scheme to Congress then meeting in Baltimore. Congress recommended to the Massachusetts council on 8 Jan. 1777 that 3,000 men be raised for an expedition to Nova Scotia, and on 15 Jan. Congress appointed Allan superintendent of the eastern Indians (Worthington Chauncey Ford et al., eds. Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789. 34 vols. Washington, D.C., 1904–37, 7:20, 38–39). The Massachusetts authorities offered Allan little support, however, and he raised only a few men for his expedition. In the summer of 1777 Allan tried to establish a post on the St. John River in present-day New Brunswick with his small force, but the arrival of a flotilla of British warships obliged him to retreat. Allan served as superintendent of the eastern Indians for the remainder of the war and was instrumental in keeping the British out of eastern Maine. He settled in Maine in 1784.

(The special session of the Nova Scotia assembly that Gov. Francis Legge (c.1719–1783) called in the fall of 1775 passed an act requiring one-fifth of the militia to be drafted into a regiment for the defense of the colony and another act imposing a tax for the support of that force. Several outlying areas of Nova Scotia, including Cumberland County, objected to these laws and petitioned the governor for their suspension. For excerpts from Cumberland County’s petition of 22–23 Dec. 1775, see Brebner, Neutral Yankees, 311–12. In a circular letter of 12 Jan. 1776 Legge agreed that the militiamen could remain at home until an actual invasion occurred and that the new tax should be deferred.)

“To George Washington from a Citizen of Nova Scotia, 8 February 1776,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-03-02-0192

Committee Report on Petition from Nova Scotia, November 9, 1775

April 23, 2024August 30, 2019 by Dartmouth

(On 2 Nov. the congress took cognizance of a petition from the inhabitants of Passamaquoddy, Nova Scotia, who had chosen a committee of safety and asked for admission into “the association of the North Americans, for the preservation of their rights and liberties.” To determine what steps should be taken in response, the congress named a committee of five: Silas Deane, John Jay, Stephen Hopkins, John Langdon, and John Adams. The Journals note that the committee’s report was considered on 9 Nov. but give nothing of its substance. The next day the congress acted on the report by adopting three resolutions. It is possible, of course, that the proposals here printed were only John Adams’s preliminary suggestions for a committee report; if so, they must have made their way into it, for some of the language appears in the congressional resolutions.)

“That a Number of Men be immediately Sent into Nova Scotia, to inform themselves of the Temper and Disposition of the Inhabitants of that Colony with respect to the Present Struggle between G. B. and these Colonies, and how far they may be willing or able to take an active Part in the present Dispute.”

(This paragraph was the basis for the first resolution adopted by the congress, which again borrowed some of John Adams’s phrasing. But the congress settled on two persons for the mission and listed several additional subjects for their inquiry: fortifications, docks, military stores, and the like. In short, the mission was to gather more than political information.)

“VI. Committee Report on Petition from Nova Scotia, 9 November 1775,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-03-02-0076-0007

From George Washington to the Massachusetts General Court, Aug 12, 1775

April 23, 2024August 30, 2019 by Dartmouth

“As to the Expedition proposed against Nova Scotia by the People of Machias; I cannot but applaud their Spirit & Zeal, but after considering the Reasons offered for it several Objections occur which seem to me unanswerable. I apprehend such an Enterprize inconsistent with the general Principle upon which the united Colonies have proceeded. It is true, that Province has not acceded to Measures of the Congress and they have therefore been excluded from all commercial ⟨Intercourse with the other Colonies; But they have⟩ not commenced Hostilities against them, nor are any to be apprehended: to attack them therefore is a Step of Conquest rather than Defence, & may be attended with very dangerous Consequences. It might perhaps be easy with the Force proposed to make an Incursion into the Province; to overawe those of the Inhabitants who are inimical to our Cause and for a short Time prevent their supplying the Enemy with Provisions, but the same Force must continue to produce any lasting Effects. As to the furnishing Vessels of any Force, you Gentlemen will anticipate me, in pointing out our Weakness, & the Enemy’s Strength. There would be great Danger, that with the best Preparation we could make, they would fall an easy Prey, either to the Man of War on that Station, or some who would be detached from Boston. I have been thus particular to satisfy any Gentlemen of the Court who incline to adopt the Measure: I could offer many other Reasons against it, some of which I doubt not will suggest themselves to the Honbe Board: But it is unnecessary to enumerate them, when our Situation as to Ammunition absolutely forbids our sending a single Ounce out of the Camp at present. I am with great Respect & Regard Gentlemen Your most Obedt and very Hbble Servt, Go: Washington”

(The Patriots at Machias in the District of Maine Proposed to seize Windsor, Nova Scotia [–at 44.9903° N…] with a force of one thousand men and a fleet consisting of four armed vessels and eight transports and then use the town as a rallying place for Patriot sympathizers in the province. A general uprising, they hoped, would ensue, enabling them to march on Halifax and take control of the provincial government. Although this expedition was not undertaken, a similar plan was put forward a few months later. See GW to Hancock, 30 Jan. 1776).

“From George Washington to the Massachusetts General Court, 12 August 1775,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-01-02-0199

Proposed Articles of Confederation

January 3, 2023August 30, 2019 by Dartmouth

“Art. XIII. Any and every Colony from Great Britain [interlined: upon the Continent of North America] not at present engag’d in our Association, may upon Application [interlined: and joining the said Association,] be receiv’d into this Confederation, viz. [Ireland] the West India Islands, Quebec, St. Johns, Nova Scotia, Bermudas, and the East and West Floridas: and shall [interlined: thereupon] be entitled to all the Advantages of our Union, mutual Assistance and Commerce.”

“Proposed Articles of Confederation, [on or before 21 July 1775],” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-22-02-0069

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