1837

From The Story of Dartmouth, by John P. Martin:

In March of 1837 the harbor was encumbered with ice, and the rural roads were completely blocked with snow. For a time this cut off Halifax and Dartmouth from their source of provisions. The dwindling supplies in the shops were sold at excessively high prices.

Allan McDonald was manufacturing flour at Russell’s Lake, and some of it had been sold in New York. Reports from that city stated that the flour had passed inspection and had been graded as “superfine”.

1836

From The Story of Dartmouth, by John P. Martin:

Among the petitions before the House of Assembly when they met in late January 1836, was a memorial from colored people of Dartmouth asking financial aid to help them establish a school for their children. It was signed by Jeremiah Page, Louis Cassity, Daniel Fendal, George Gibson, Samuel Wood, John Garo, William Andel, Robert Tynes, Nim Carter, Henry Clark, Daniel Gross and John Franklyn.

The petition of Jeremiah Page humbly sheweth that there are many colored persons residing in the Town Plot of Dartmouth and in its immediate vicinity. That they have among them as many as 40 children and they are entirely without the means of giving them schooling.

That the school which receives the aid of the public allowance in this place, is already so numerously attended that in all probability there would not be room in it for memorialists, children, if they had the means of sending them.

That the memorialists are willing to do all in their power, but without aid from your honorable House, they have no prospect of ever being able to support a school among them; and their little ones will consequently not be taught sufficiently to read the Bible.

A general election was held in December of 1836, when Joseph Howe was elected for the first time to the House of Assembly. Some credit for the commencement of the public career of the great Reformer might properly be claimed on the eastern side of the harbor, for his name had been put forward in the previous summer, first by a meeting of freeholders at Musquodoboit, and later at Lawrencetown.

Dartmouthians voted at the County Court House in Halifax, where the poll opened on December 5th and continued for three days. Later it. moved to St. Margaret’s Bay, and finally closed at Musquodoboit on December 20th.

Candidates usually appeared daily at the hustings, and on opening day, or during a lull in voting, made campaign speeches to the cheers of supporters, or the jeers of opponents. As the vote progressed, tail-enders would resign. What with open voting, political arguments and liquor drinking, it is small wonder that there were frequent fist fights at those prolonged elections.

Howe’s successful partner in the County was William Annand. Hugh Bell and Thomas Forrester were elected for the Town. The two losers in the County were William Lawson, who had sat thirty years in the Assembly, and Henry A. Gladwin of Middle Musquodoboit, who had been nominated by John Skerry of Dartmouth.

In this election, Halifax was divided from Colchester and Pictou districts, as these had just been made separate Counties.

1835

From The Story of Dartmouth, by John P. Martin:

In the month of November 1834, a correspondent who signed himself “THE PEOPLE” contributed a critical article to the “Nova Scotian” dealing with some of the complaints that were contained in the lengthy report of the Grand Jury. (Long afterwards, it was learned that the name of the contributor was George Thompson, prominent Haligonian.)

This writer declared that the burden of County taxes fell mostly upon the shoulders of the middle classes who lived in the Peninsula of Halifax. Many outside districts paid nothing, yet they sent their poor, their debtors and their criminals to be lodged in Halifax jails and workhouses.

In the “Nova Scotian” for January 1st, 1835, there appeared from the same correspondent, another lengthy and more daring letter which must have made long-suffering persons gasp with astonishment and admiration.

The writer noted that about one-half of the respectable middle class people had, in recent months, been summoned or sued for the amount of their taxes, while some wealthy inhabitants of Halifax went unmolested for years. Furthermore, “the people were entirely in the dark in regard to the collection and appropriation of their monies”.

“During the last 30 years”, continued the convincing correspondent, “the Magistracy and Police have, by one stratagem or other, taken from the pockets of the people, in overtaxation, fines, etc., a sum that would exceed in the gross amount £30,000; and I am prepared to prove my assertions”.

These and other censorious statements, resulted in the Editor being prosecuted for libel. The indictment charged Joseph Howe with being “a disseminator of sedition and dangerous to the peace of society”. The trial was set for March 2nd.

Howe prepared his own case. Having previously served on the Grand Jury, he was well acquainted with conditions. In February, a writer in the “Acadian Recorder” called upon the community to furnish Mr. Howe with any information that might be of value in his defence. Next morning, Howe had difficulty getting into his Granville Street newspaper office. Even the passageway was crammed with people.

When the trial opened on the first Monday in March, the Courtroom in Province House, where now is located the Legislative Library, was crowded to suffocation.

Howe spoke for six hours and a quarter. The Halifax “Times” described his defence as being “eloquent, impressive and caustic enlivened often with witty sallies, which proved at times too exciting for even the gravity of the Bench”.

After a general survey of the situation, Howe centred his attacks on officials at the old Court House near the Ferry, which he ironically called “the brick Temple”.

In alluding to specific examples of negligence, Howe’s thoughts turned to our side of the harbor. He charged that in the populous and thriving districts of Musquodoboit, Chezzetcook and Preston, no taxes had been collected since 1821, or else were unaccounted for.

As it was nearly six o’clock when Howe finished, Chief Justice Brenton Halliburton suggested that adjournment be made. Mr. Murdoch remonstrated. It would give the other side the advantage of the night for more preparation.

After a consultation with the Jury Foreman, the Court decided to continue, but by this time the excitement of the crowd could not be restrained, making it very difficult to preserve order. Thereupon adjournment was made.

When they reconvened at 10 o’clock on Tuesday, Attorney General S. G. W. Archibald addressed the Court, followed by the Chief Justice, who explained the law of libel to the Jury. He thought the letter was a libel, and told the Jury it was their duty “to state by your verdict that it is libelous”. However, he added that they were not bound by his opinion.

Then the Jury retired. In ten minutes they were back. When Foreman Charles J. Hill had again led the panel into the jury box, and stood facing the Chief Justice, there was a breathless silence …

“NOT GUILTY”

A voluminous shorthand report of this famous trial afterwards filled eight pages of the “Nova Scotian”. The enthusiasm of Howe’s admirers at the conclusion is. thus described:

On leaving the Province Building, Mr. Howe was borne by the populace to his home, amidst deafening acclamations. The people kept holiday that day and the next. Musical parties paraded the streets at night. All the sleds in Town were turn-

ed out in procession with banners; and all ranks and classes seemed to join in felicitations on the triumph of the Press. The crowds were briefly addressed by Mr. Howe from his window, who besought them to keep the peace — to enjoy the triumph in social intercourse round their own firesides; and to teach their children the names of the TWELVE MEN, who had established the FREEDOM OF THE PRESS.

The twelve jurymen were Charles J. Hill, Robert Story, Edward Pryor, junior, James H. Reynolds, David Hall, Edward Greenwood, John Wellner, Robert Lawson, Archibald McDonald, Samuel Mitchell, Thomas A. Bauer and Duncan McQueen.

1834

From The Story of Dartmouth, by John P. Martin:

The trade of the country was at a low ebb in 1834. Shippers of lumber and timber to Great Britain were subject to heavy losses. Merchants claimed that the distress was largely due to the paper currency which was discounted at 7 or 8%.

The Halifax Chamber of Commerce also called attention to the amount of smuggling which must have been practised along the coast. Only small quantities of tea and flour were being shipped to the interior parts of the Province, because people were obtaining American goods cheaper and without duty. Dartmouth was not entirely innocent in this respect, for the Customs’ report of 1833 showed that a number of cigars and time-pieces were seized on our side of the harbor during that year.

Letters to the newspapers complained about high-salaried officials wresting the earnings of the poor. One writer published a list of Government expenses which included £1,800 paid as interest to England on money borrowed “to finish” the Canal. Beggars daily went the rounds hammering door knockers and telling deplorable tales. Some had long petitions.

Towards the end of August in 1834, the alarming disease of Asiatic Cholera, long feared in this seaport, broke out at Halifax. The first cases appeared among the militia, then spread among the poor on the upper streets and finally extended its ravages throughout all classes of persons.

The pestilence lasted for six weeks. Over 1,000 cases and about 600 deaths were recorded. Nothing like it had ever been experienced in cholera-stricken centres. Halifax people who were walking the streets in the morning, were often dead by nightfall.

Everybody who had the means or opportunity, fled to the country. Dartmouth was the resort of multitudes. The “Sir C. Ogle” transported the Rifles Regiment to Bedford, while the remaining Regiments encamped upon Halifax Common.

The flagship of the Admiral, which had cholera on board, anchored in the Basin and landed the sick on Stevens’ Island. The Sisters of Mercy went among the dying like ministering angels. The Rev. Fitzgerald Uniacke of St. George’s Church, along with his wife, were also indefatigable in their attentions to the sufferers there. At Halifax Rev. John Loughnan of St. Mary’s Cathedral went day and night among the afflicted, consoling them with the last sacraments of the church.

Dalhousie College (City Hall) was converted into a hospital.

Huge tar pots burned day and night in Grand Parade and in thickly settled streets of Halifax. Business was abandoned, only drugstores and Doctors being active.

The silence of the long nights was broken only by the rattle of waggon wheels carting the sick from their homes, or the dead to be buried in the Poor House grounds.

Coastal vessels and country people with fresh produce avoided Halifax. At Mount Thom a barricade of trees was placed across the road to prevent the Halifax stagecoach from entering Pictou.

Lieutenant-Governor Sir Colin Campbell proclaimed Wednesday, September 17th, to be observed as a day of fast and humiliation. Supplications were offered in places of worship.

Their prayers were answered. Within a short time, the deadly malady showed signs of waning. Fewer and fewer cases occurred. By the end of September many people had returned to town. Streets and shops resumed their accustomed activity. On October 8th, the hospital at Dalhousie was discontinued. Lieutenant-Governor Campbell proclaimed Thursday, December 18th, to be observed “as a public day of General Thanksgiving to acknowledge the goodness of Almighty God in removing the grievous disease”.

The newspapers do not mention it, but the cholera must have prevailed in Dartmouth. Only a small fraction of the number of deaths was published at the time, but among them are noted some Dartmouth names.

1833

From The Story of Dartmouth, by John P. Martin:

The stagecoach from Pictou on August 24th, 1833, carried among its passengers a man whose name is still familiar to thousands of bird-lovers throughout North America. He was John James Audubon, famous ornithologist and artist.

We learn from his diary that the distinguished naturalist spent at least forty-five minutes at or near the ferry in Dartmouth, because the stagecoach seems to have arrived there just at the time when Captain Hunter and the crew of the “Sir Charles Ogle” were off to their midday meal.

Audubon was making his first visit to Nova Scotia. He had been in Labrador, and afterwards went to Pictou where he was presented with several specimens of stuffed birds and sea shells from the collection of Dr. Thomas McCulloch. The latter had accompanied his guest as far as Truro.

We append the portion of the diary dealing with his impressions of Dartmouth. The party had left Truro at 11 p.m., and breakfasted at Grand Lake:

The road from that tavern to Halifax is level and good, though rather narrow, and a very fine drive for private carriages. We saw the flag of the garrison at Halifax, two miles before we reached the place, when we suddenly turned short, and brought up at a gate fronting a wharf, at which lay a small steam-ferry boat. The gate was shut, and the mail was detained nearly an hour waiting for it to be opened.

1831

From The Story of Dartmouth, by John P. Martin:

Regattas on the harbor were resumed the summer of 1831. In June, the four-mile whaler race was won by four Dartmouth men rowing the “Edward Cunard”. The second boat was the “Pucelle”. Both had been built by Mr. Coleman at Dartmouth. At a second regatta in August, the “Edward Cunard” was defeated by the “Riflemen” rowed by four fishermen from the eastern side of the harbor with Philip Brown, steersman. This whaler was owned by the Volunteer Rifles Dartmouth militia.

The dog days came early that summer. On the first Sunday of July, the heat was intense. On Monday, it was intolerable. Although the thermometer stood at 99 in the shade, there was a difference of 50 degrees between that and the waters of the harbor.

What Dartmouth looked like from the Halifax side is included in the following description by a writer in the “Halifax Monthly Magazine” for May 1831:

The town forms a pretty balanced picture. An abrupt woody hill, unsoftened by any trace of art, rises to the right. To the left, a gentler ascent has brushwood on its front, and spruce and pine alongside the rising outline, but on the summit, some green patches and white farmhouses.

In the center foreground, the brilliant surface of the harbor conducts the eve for a short mile to the sloping banks on which the village lies. Wharves and houses and gardens and pebbly beaches, and abrupt cliffs meet the water; and behind seemingly scattered in pleasing irregularity, the party colored town rises up a gentle ascent.

The churches are easily discerned. The Scotch Church appears dark and grave-looking under the hill to the left. The Catholic Chapel, white and clean as an Old Country parsonage, stands more central; and the English Church between, sends its spire proudly, but not tauntingly, above all.

The eye moves along the undulated ground until it rests on a clump of trees and the snug-looking dwelling at the Lower Ferry. Findlay’s is delightfully situated, but no advantage is taken of its beauties. A little bay which terminates in the Mill Cove, sweeps within thirty or forty yards of the House; a soft and verdant hillock rises in the rear, and in front a fresh water stream comes babbling under the trees. A marquee or summer-house should be erected on the summit of the little hill, its side would afford lovely situations for pleasure gardens and rural seats. A shade-walk might conduct to the pebbly beach, along which arbors easily formed, would be a delightful resting place for visitors from the City.

In the autumn of that year, the same writer evidently crossed over in the Old Ferry and made a tour of the town. The ascent from the Cove up King Street and the Hartshorne house on “Poplar Hill’ are described. At that time only Christ Church possessed a steeple. Note also that the recreations of the Canal people included hurley, or ground hockey. This game no doubt was also played by them on our ponds and lakes, as it was perhaps played in the land of their ancestors. Hockey might be as old as Adam.

Findlay’s 40-passenger boat sits gracefully on the water, yet appears, alongside the [indigenous person’s] birch canoe, spacious enough for a Boston packet. The tide lies limpid on the ferry slip, and beneath a pellucid flood are exhibited many colored marine plants on its bed, at the very places where it supports the traffic of a populous city. Soon the sonorous conch has ceased sounding, and the boat is out on the calm stream bearing its motley freight to the rural shore opposite.

There sits the Chief Engineer, and the Solicitor of the Canal Company; and there appear a pair of colored lasses from the Black settlement at Preston. There is Shiels, the Poet, with his plaid cloak laid beside him, holding rather cold conversation with one of his Lawrencetown neighbors. There are two grayheaded black people] “sir-ing” and “mister-ing” each other with infinite politeness.

Here are a group of cigar-loving dandies, bent on a game of skittles at Warren’s; and there some half-dozen sunburnt and weather-beaten laborers repairing to the public works. Scattered amid the company, a beautiful sprinkling of ladies appear, passing over to their residences, or only intent on enjoying the benefits of a sail and a walk; while a nearly equal number of less fine females are returning home with sundry household conveniences purchased with the product of their gardens which they conveyed to town early this morning.

An [indigenous man] and his [wife] sit silently in the bow of the boat, or only return answers to the ferrymen, who takes advantage of the gentle breeze by shipping their oars, and resting their sinewy arms. At last we are ashore.

We commence our walk from Findlay’s snug farmhouse Inn, p. 29 and soon leave the cackling and quacking of its numerous poultry behind. The landscape appears diversified and picturesque with its hills and vales. A few years ago, this bold hill to the right was a wilderness, and the ground at its base a stony swamp. Cultivated fields now sweep over its breezy top and its declivity. A cottage stands on the slope delightfully situated in a little garden. Squashes and watermelons are ripening luxuriantly on the sunny slopes.

We pass along, and again pause as an opening to the left exhibits a lovely situation for a cottage. A rural gorge-formed by a flat which meets the harbor, and a small eminence on each side. The flat in the centre runs imperceptibly into the tide, and the bright sparkling waters seem secluded in a little romantic cove.

The next pause in our tour, shall be on this soft-shaped hill, the property of Lawrence Hartshorne, Esq. And what a noble site might this be for a mansion! Equal doubtless to any other in America. See photo on p. 536

If you look westward, Halifax appears climbing its hill. Northward, the town of Dartmouth is spread before you.

The increase in population which the Canal work produced in Dartmouth, has occasioned a new settlement about a quarter of a mile from the water. This consists of about 40 huts and houses, raised for the greater part, by the laborers employed at the Canal; and called by some “Canal Town”, and by others “Irish Town”, because the majority of persons who own the little buildings are natives of Ireland.

Irish Town affords a curious specimen of the first steps of civilization in a new country. The log houses and little enclosures are very rude, the stumps of the trees which form them stand all around, and in small openings in the brush, scraps of gardens appear.

The settlement also exhibits many primitive features of Irish rural life. On summer evenings, the groups reclining about the doors, show their proper quota of flaxen-haired chubby-cheeked youngsters, while from one or two taverns of the village, the scrapings of a fiddle, the squealings of a bagpipe and the shuffling of feet announce that the labors of the day were not sufficient to bow the everlasting mind, or to prevent zeal for the evening’s exercise and pleasure.

A hurley match, a game at balls or bowls, throwing the sledge, leaping, or a jog, are commonly resorted to, as amusements after the work of the weekday, or the devotions of the Sabbath.

The last houses of Irish Town are within about a stone’s throw of the “Church with the steeple”; and the first houses of Dartmouth are within a stone’s throw at the other side of the Church, so that a junction may be formed, and Irish Town becomes a suburb of its older neighbor.

The town of Dartmouth has a loose scattered appearance and consists of about 100 houses, many of them of respectable dimensions. Besides those, a number of houses are in course of erection, and considerable promise is exhibited of a rapid increase and improvement.

The water lots of Dartmouth are lessened in value by the shelving nature of its shore. The water is shoaly in most places at considerable distance from the beach, which of course renders it unfit as a harbor for vessels of large burden.

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