Nova Scotia Gazette, Nov 21 1765.
Since few of these old newspapers are properly scanned with OCR, being multiple columns of faded text, I’ve done my best to transcribe what seemed to be the most interesting parts of this edition. It contains a number of references to the Stamp Act as well as news from the other colonies, one being a letter from Benjamin Franklin’s son William.
The Nova Scotia Gazette: Containing the freshest Intelligence, foreign and domestic. From Thursday, November 21, to Thursday November 28, 1765. Price six pence single.
Thoughts on Various subjects:
- Party is the madness of many for the gain of a few.
- To endeavor to work upon the vulgar with fine sense, is like attempting to hew blocks with a razor.
- A man should never be ashamed to own he has been in the wrong, which is but saying, in other words, that he is wiser today than he was yesterday.
- Our passions are like convulsion fits, which though they make us stronger for the time, leave us weaker after.
- A brave man thinks no one his superior who does him an injury, for he has it then in his power to make himself superior to the other, by forgiving it.
- To relieve the oppressed is the most glorious act a man is capable of; it is in some measure doing the business of God and providence.
- Superstition is the spleen of the soul.
- Atheists put on a false courage and alacrity in the midst of their darkness and apprehensions; like children, who, when they go in the dark, will sing for fear.
- An Athiest is but a mad ridiculous derider of piety: but a hypocrite makes a sober jest of God and religion; he finds it easier to be upon his knees, than to rise to do a good action; like an impudent debtor, who goes every day and talks familiarly to his creditor, without ever paying what he owes.
- When men grow virtuous in their old age, they only make a sacrifice to God of the devil’s leavings.
- When we are young, we are sensibly employed in procuring something whereby we may live comfortably when we grow old; and when we are old, we perceive it is too late to live as we proposed.
- People are scandalized if one laughs at what they call a serious thing. Suppose I were to have my head cut off tomorrow, and all the world were talking of it today, yet why might not I laugh to think, what a bustle is here about my head?
- A man of wit is not incapable of business, but above it. A sprightly generous horse is able to carry a pack saddle as well as an ass, but he is too good to be put to the drudgery.
- Whereever I find a great deal of gratitude in a poor man, I take it for granted, there would be as much generosity if he were a rich man.
- Flowers of rhetoric in sermons, and ferocious discourses, are like the blue and red flowers in corn, pleasing to those who come only for amusement, but prejudicial to him who would reap the profit from it.
- When two people compliment each other with the choice of anything, each of them generally gets that which he likes least.
- He who tells a lye, is not sensible how great a task he undertakes, for he must be forced to invent twenty more to maintain that one.
- Giving advice is many times only the privilege of saying a foolish thing one’s self, under pretense of hindering another from doing on.
- ‘Tis with followers at court, as with followers on the road, who first bespatter those that go before, and then tread on their heels.
- False happiness is like false money, it passes for a crime as well as the true, and serves some ordinary occasions; but when it is brought to the touch, we find the lightness and alloy, and feel the loss.
- The vanity of human life is like a river, certainly passing away, and yet continually coming on.
- I seldom see a noble building, or any great piece of magnificence and pomp, but I think, how little is all this to satisfy the ambition, or to fill the idea, of an immortal soul?
- Is is with narrow souled people, as with narrow neck bottles; the less they have in them, the more noise they make in pouring it out.
- Many men have been capable of doing a wise thing; more a cunning thing; but very few a generous thing.
- Since it is reasonable to doubt most things, we should most of all doubt that reason of ours which would demonstrate all things.
- To buy books as some do who make no use of them, only because they were published by an eminent printer, is much as if a man should buy clothes that did not fit him, only because they were made by some famous taylor.
- It is as offensive to speak within a fool’s company, as it would be ill manners to whisper in it, he is displeased at both for the same reason, because he is ignorant of what is said.
- Old men, for the most part, are like old chronicles, that give you dull but true accounts of times past, and are worth knowing only on that score.
- Men are grateful, in the same degree that they are resentful.
The longer we live, the more we shall be convinced, that it is reasonable to love God, and despise man, as far as we know either.
- That character in conversation, which commonly passes for agreeable, is made up of civility and falsehood.
- An excuse is worse, and more terrible than a lye, for an excuse is a lye guarded.
- Praise is like amber grease, a little whiff of it, and by snatches, is very agreeable; but when a man holds a whole lump of it to your nose, it is a stink, and strikes you down.
Short Rules for conversation:
- To deceive men’s expectations generally argues a settled mind, and unexpected constancy as in manner of fear, anger sudden, joy, grief, and all things that may affect or alter the mind, on public or sudden accidents.
- It is necessary to use a steadfast countenance, not wavering with action, as in moving the head or hand too much; which shews a fanatical light, and fickle operation of the mind; it is sufficient, with leisure, to use a modest action of either.
- In all kinds of speech, it is proper to speak leisurely, and rather drawingly, than hastily; because hasty speech confounds the memory, and often drives a man to nonplus, or an unseemly stammering, whereas slow speech confirms the memory, and begets an opinion of wisdom in the hearers.
- To desire in discourse to hold all arguments is ridiculous, and a want of true judgement; for no man can be exquisite in all things.
- To have common places of discourse, and to want variety, is odious to the hearers, and shows a shallowness of thought; it is therefore good to vary, and sort speeches to the present occasion; as also, to hold a moderation in all discourse, especially of religion, the state, great persons, important business, poverty, or anything deserving pity.
- A long continued discourse, without a good speech of interlocution shows slowness: and a good reply, without a good set of speech, shows shallowness and weakness.
- To use many circumstances, before you come to the matter, is wearisome; and to use none at all, is blunt.
- Bashfulness is a great hindrance to a man, both in uttering sentiments, and understanding what is proposed to him; it is therefore good to press forwards, with discretion, both discourse and company of the better sort.
True Virtue, What
That man is truly virtuous, who is neither proud in good fortune, nor abject in bad; who desires nothing but heaven, and fears nothing but the loss of it; who avenges affronts with favours, and injuries with pardon, who is severe to himself, and easy to his neighbour, who speaks well of all but himself, and never pardons his own defects, nor censures those of his brethren. In a word, do good, and fly from evil, is the sum of your duty. This is virtue in short hand, perfection in epitome, and heaven in reversion.
Thick ginger bread: A pound and a half of flour takes up one pound of treacle, almost as much sugar, an ouce of beaten ginger, tow ounces of caraway seeds, four ounces of citron, and lemon peel candied, the yolks of four eggs; cut your sweet meats, mix all, and bake in large cakes, on tin plates.
To make a rice pudding: Grind, or beat half a pound of rice to flour, mix it by degrees with three pints of milk, and thicken it over fire with care, for fear of burning, till it is like a hefty pudding; when it is so thick, pour it out, and let it stand to cool: put to it nine eggs (but half the whites) three or four spoonfulls of orange flower water: melt almost a pound of good butter, and sweeten it to your taste. Add sweetmeats, if you please.
American Intelligence: Burlington New Jersey, Oct 5 1765.
Whereas a report has for some time past been circulated, that the governor of this province received the letter sent by the speaker of the general court of Massachusetts Bay, to the speaker of the assembly at New Jersey, detained it in his possession till the last day of the late meeting at Burlington, and, by his Management, prevailed on the assembly, not to accept of the invitation to send commissioners to New York. And whereas a Paper has been printed & published at Philadelphia, positively asserting,
“That the Governor of New Jersey has made strong efforts to subdue the spirit of liberty in his government, and arbitrary refuses to give his assembly an opportunity to join the other assemblies in decent remonstrances against the stamp law, although nine tenths of the people of the Jerseys now vehemently desire it. Nor does he confine himself to his government alone, but by assistance of Mr G_____y, is said to have practiced on the eight members of a certain county, not very remote from him, in order to get them to carry a vote against sending commissioners to New York, that the Pennsylvania Assembly might thus keep the Jersey one in countenance.”
Now this is to assure the Publick, that so far from having received and detained the above mentioned letter, I have not even yet seen it; that I never heard of any such letter being sent to, or received by, the Speaker, till the Day after the House had finished their business, and were prorogued, when I was told that they had it under consideration and had ordered an answer to be wrote at the table, acquainting the speaker of Massachusetts, that they unanimously declined complying with the proposal from the assembly of that Province, nor was the said answer ever shewn to me, though wrote the 20th of June last, until some time in the beginning of September. That from the last sessions to this present time, not a single member of the council, or house of representatives, nor any other person whatever in the province, has desired me to call another meeting of the assembly. That it is well known to several of the representatives, that I have so often declared I would always, if in my power, give the House an opportunity of meeting, when the speaker and nine or ten members should represent to me that the Business of the Publick made it necessary, -And I do likewise aver, that so far from my having practiced on the eight members of Bucks County, in order to get them to carry a vote against sending commissioners from Pennsylvania to New York, I have not, to my knowledge, seen one of them these two years past; nor have I, either through Mr Galloway or otherwise, had the least connection or correspondence with them, or any other person in the county, on any subject whatever. Nor have I, either to Mr. Galloway, or to any one Man in Pennsylvania, given the least intimation that it would, or would not, be agreeable to me, that the Assembly of that Province should send Commissions to the intended Congress.
I should not have thought it necessary to give this public Refutation of the falsehoods contained in the report and papers above mentioned, had they not been propagated and published with a view of taking advantage of the present commotions to excite a difference between me and a people for whom I have a great regard, and with whom I have lived in uninterrupted harmony ever since my arrival in the government. And I cannot help expressing my surprize that Mr. Shippen, the Deputy Governor’s Secretary, Mr. Chew, the Attorney General, and others of the principal Officers of the Government of Pennsylvania, could have given their public countenance to such a flagrant piece of injustice. This they did (as I am credibly informed) by employing the Clerk of the Court to read aloud the Paper above quoted to a large Number of people collected by their Agents for the Purpose and signifying their Approbation by loud Huzzas at the Close of every paragraph.
As to what is contained in the said Paper relative to my father’s being concerned in the planning and promotion of the Stamp Act, it is grosly false, and consequently a shameful imposition on the people. Not a Gentleman of the Proprietary Party, even among those who scruple not, can, I am convinced, be found so hardened as to avow in print, with his Name subscribed, that he believes is to be true, or to undertake to produce any Proofs in its Support. ___ My father is absent ___ but he has left Friends enough on the Spot, who are both capable and willing to clear him from any aspersions which the malice of the propriety party can suggest. To these friends I leave the defense of his reputation, if it can need any, being determined to concern myself no farther with the Disputes of Pennsylvania than as they relate to my character, or have reference to the public transactions of this Province.
From the Boston Post Bay, and Advertiser.
To the Printer, Sir, You desired in your last that ‘some Barrister or other capable gentleman would give the public ‘a definition of treason.’ I am no Barrister, nor do I pretend to be able to give a precise definition of this extensive term, agreeable to Magna Carta or the British Constitution, much less to enumerate all the senses in which it has of late been used. However if you please publish the following, which tho’ it is not a logical, is at least a formal Definition of it.
- It is not Treason to say the inhabitants of the North American colonies are Englishmen.
- It is not Treason to assert that Englishmen have rights of which no power on earth can justly deprive them.
- It is not Treason in Englishmen to be sensible when they are oppressed, and detest the authors of their oppression.
- Neither is it Treason in them to complain of their grievances and expose the wicked instrument of them:
- It is not Treason in any subject or body of subjects to declare what they apprehend the rights of Englishmen to be, at least when they assert none to be such but what evidently are.
- It is not Treason in any Legislature to pronounce declare and resolve, that those are Enemies to their country who assert and maintain doctrines diametrically opposed to the fundamental principles of the constitution.
- It is not Treason to suppose the most August Assembly upon Earth may be mistaken.
- It is not Treason to attempt to convince them of their mistake.
- It is not Treason to say no man can be taxed, agreeable to the British Constitution, without his consent.
- It is not Treason to say no man can give his consent to that which was never proposed to him or his representatives.
- It is not Treason to be unable to conceive how a country can in any sense, be said to be represented in an assembly where none of the members are of its election.
- It is not Treason so say, that all the Parts of a community are not equally free where one Part is subject to the arbitrary Power and Tyranny of another.
- It is not Treason in any Country charged with heavy and unconstitutional Taxes, after suitable and ineffectual Petitions Remonstrances, Struggles and efforts, to betake itself to the only possible method of paying them and subsisting – that is to say
- It is not Treason in the American Colonies to break off Commerce, which if carried on will inevitably prove their Ruin.
- It is not Treason to wish Great Britain could see what is for her own interest.
- It is not Treason to proceed as follows.
- To attempt the Subversion of the most happy constitution upon earth, is Treason.
- To assert and maintain that the King is not to rule for the good of his subjects, is Treason.
- To say the king is not bound to govern by the laws, is Treason.
- To maintain that the king and parliament may exact laws contrary to the fundamentals of the constitution, is Treason.
- To say the king is not bound to yield obedience to such laws, is Treason.
- To say the king is not bound to fulfil his engagements to his subjects is Treason.
- therefore to dissuade him from it, is Treason.
- To insinuate that the subject can never know what to depend on from Royal Grants, and Charters, is Treason.
- To make one part of his Majesty’s liege Subjects slaves to the rest, is Treason.
- To attempt to disaffect a great and important part of his majesty’s subjects to his Government, is Treason.
- To represent a virtuous and loyal people as villains and traitors, is Treason.
- To insinuate that the King and Parliament will be deaf to the just and grievous complaints of any of their oppressed subjects is treason.
- For the subject tamely to give up his Rights when it is in his power to avoid it, is Treason.
- Therefore to be loyal according to some people sense of the word is the blackest of Treason.
- To use arguments for the enslaving one part of his Majesty’s Dominions which equally tend to the enslaving of the whole is Treason.
- All Rebellion (which is no other than dissolving the peaceable Bonds of society by breaking over the fundamental laws of the commonwealth) whether in ruler or people, is high Treason.
- To aid assist abet or comfort (i.e. flatter and cringe to) Traiterers, is Treason.
- Whoever attempts either directly or indirectly, by himself or his substitute to introduce French politicks into the Realm of England or any other part of his Majesty’s Dominions is a Villain, a Parricide, and a Traiter.
On taking the great Guns at the Havannah, called the Twelve Apostles. By a lady.
England, for martial deeds renown’d, Has many a trophy got; And from where’er the Sun goes round, has wealth and glory brought. A great conquest now she gains, Then got by all her battles, For George the Thrids, so Fate ordains, Has won the twelve apostles. Him, Church’s Head, the pope now owns, To be without restriction, Since now he’ll give his Catholic Sons Apost’lic Benediction.
London, to the printer, Bread at seven pence three farthings the quartern loaf, and wheat rising every day!
Gentlemen, what think ye of it now? Ye advocates for exportation! Ye scoffers and deriders of the poor! Have ye bent the bow enough? Or will it bear stretching a little farther? Will it bear a good deal? Are ye not afraid of its bursting? Are ye not determined to try the utmost pitch? Then burst it must, and take the consequence. God preserve the innocent and just; let the guilty receive the due reward of their deeds! The cry of the poor having reached the ear of Government, some progress was made towards redressing their grievance, and supplying their hungry families with bread, at the first motion of the infernal hydra, the devouring mother called engrossing , trembled and shook, crouching under the dreadful hand lifted up against it; ready to lick the very dust, and to cease from its rapacious depredations? When alas! By some strange fatality, the decisive blow was withheld, and the wild beast retired unhurt, more audacious than ever, bidding defiance to government, eluding the vigilance of the subordinate officers, trampling upon undistinguished multitudes, devouring some, maiming others, distressing and disturbing the whole community, without intermission. Such is the wild beast, that has been let loose in England, and kept loose by some hands, who shall now be nameless, Those who saw the monster trembling under the potent hand of justice, and averted the blow, are accountable at least to God (if above the reach of man) for all the outrages and calamities it has brought, or may bring upon their Country.
In Turkey, if a famine threatened the land, and an Aga, a Busbaw of three tails, or even the Grand Vizier, should stand up to oppose any salutary means of averting a dearth or famine; all the Signiors’s despotic power could not protect him from the fatal consequences of the vindictive indignation of an injured, exasperated people. The bow string would soon consign him a lifeless victim into the black sea, to appease the furious vengeance of the enraged multitude! What shall we say then? Can the sons of liberty only stand still, and tamely see the bread torn from their tender wives, and helpless offspring perishing with hunger, to feed their rivals and enemies? Can they bear this with silent grief and stupid astonishment, without murmuring or decent complaining? Shall a band of Janizaries, the tools of despotic power, surrounding the Ottoman throne, dictate terms to their haughty master, on pressing occasions? And shall a nation of freemen, armed with every privilege of constitutional freedom, be totally destitute of the means to procure redress from the greatest grievance imaginable? Then may the Gaul, the Spaniards, and even the Turk, ridicule our fine spun notions of liberty starving, while they eat the bread out of our mouths? Britons, patriots undistinguished by partial knavish names, true lovers of your country, in whose honest breasts there yet remains undistinguished some parks of Attic fire, and true Roman virtue; stand up in your places, ye who are not in combination against the public welfare; shew yourselves in word and action, in every vigorous constitutional measure tending to the relief of the poor and industrious; pour out your whole souls! Exhaust your whole fund of eloquence! Leave no constitutional measure untried, until conviction shall pour irresistible upon gainsayers, and avarice itself be convinced of this great truth, that starving the present generation of poor Laborers and mechanics, does not tend to the permanent benefit of the present race of rich and their posterity. A FRIEND of the POOR.
Essay on Tea. Non anno Te—- Mart
It is certain that the poor people in England diminish there little pitance of income, and hurt their health, by indulging themselves in this expensive orimental luxury. They have now their nervous distempers; which, till within this century, were the sole prerogatives of the rich, idle, and luxurious. I see no abatement in tea drinking, though corn and meat are extremely dear. A day laborer, who earns but 5g. a week at this time of the year, in the country, and whom we suppose to have a wife and family must expend 3s. and 6d. in bread only for he cannot afford to buy meat. Thus supposing he has work, and is able to work their remains but 18d. a week to buy cloaths, candles &c.
Now supposing that this poor, honest, laborious drudge’s wife drinks tea, (and it is fifty to one but she does) that will amount to 7d. a week more; even though she be as great economist as she pleases; -and then we cannot allow her sugar nor buttered toast. Add to this the loss of time, and a certain lowness of spirit which calls for a [indecipherable], is she has an odd penny in her pocket. Hence come less of appetite, and an enfeebled constitution, and thus population is injured.
We compute in England five millions and a half of people, and, out of these three millions at least drink tea. One shilling a year upon each head, amongst the poorer sort, would (I trust in God) amount to a prohibition, We then suppose there will remain tow millions of tea drinkers, and let them pay annually 5g. a head and this will amount to 500,000 l. a year; and then tax upon their candles, or leather, or the new additional tax upon malt might be taken off. These three are properly the poor’s taxes. I am not writing here to enrich an exchequer, but to preserve it as rich as it was before, and ease the working and laborious poor. We can bleed no farther in the discussion of taxes, except they are sumptuary ones. Too heavy a tax upon malt, is the most unkind of all taxes, except upon meat. A draught of cheap good ale is heaven’s cordial to a hard working man.
But it will be objected, that a tax upon tea will hurt the colonies in their sugar trade. Agreed; in that one branch it may, but though England is a parent (and an indulgent parent) to her colonies, yet she is not oblidg’d too [indecipherable] them at the expence of her won children at home.
France has acted wiser than we have done in respect to tea? Though she has her sugars, yet she does not like the original burying her money in an East India gulph; and I dare appeal to such travellers as know England and France well if they do not believe, that more tea is used, every year, in Bristol and Bath only (or in any other English places of that size) than in all France.
France, in one respect, is the best governed nation in the world; for the French can make any thing fashionable at home, which is for the good fo their King & country; France, in the long run may be mistress of Europe, She lost money by keeping Canada. What what did she give us? A farm of Million of acres, knowing well at the same time, we had but one team of oxen to plough with. A few colonies are a blessing to a trading and maritime nation; over extensive ones (I speak at least problematically) may be hurtful. When colonies become large and populous, they may set up for their own manufacturers, or like [Indecipherable], wax fat and kick.
The peopleing of colonies is not so advantageous as most men imagine. Let us suppose twenty thousand men, and as many women (at an age of child getting and child bearing) to be sent from any mother country to a colony. The men at thirty pounds a man, are worth, fix hundred thousand pounds at home; and the woman, at ten pounds a head, are worth two hundred thousand pounds. Add to this, that the population, rising from these people in one century (and the depopulation consequently at home) will amount at least to two hundred thousand souls. Such are the expences of colony settlements. Now a political, frugal, and industrious nation can spare but a certain number of people. War, navigation, fisheries and colonies should only have one person out of nine or ten. France aims to be a compact bouy: She sets herself to promote agriculture, and population at home; and one time or other the asps nest will be so full, that they will take the liberty to settle themselves and make new nests in some neighbours fields. Sir, Your’s, Philo Rygis & Philo Patriae.
FORIEGN AFFAIRS. LONDON. July 18.
We are informed, since the Plantation Agents have taled in opposing the intended duty on American stamps, a motion is preparing to be made in the house, that the commissioner for the receipt of this duty may be appointed from the natives of each province, where the tax is to take place. The payment of a certain bounty or the importation of bugles is resolved on, for the better supply of the foreign trade. Certain regulations for the more effectual supply of the foreign trade. Certain regulations for the more effectual supply of the African export trade, buy a new contract with the East India Company, is resolved on. An account of the quantities of woolen and woolen yarn imported into Scotland from Ireland for the last fourteen years, distinguishing each year, with the ports to from which the same were imported and exported, is erected to be laid before the House. The usual bounty on the exportation of corn, &c. from England to the Isle of Man, is going to be discontinued. A petition from the boroughs of Leicester and Derby has been presented to parliament against the exportation of wheat and flour. We hear a parliamentary aid will be granted this sessions for building over the Tay in Scotland, which the Magistrates and Town Council of Perth have represented by petition will be a means of civilizing the Northern Highlanders of that kingdom, and of general benefit to trade. We are assured that the qualifications of all Proprietors of East India Stock will be regulated and fixed this session of parliament. On a late review of the fortifications in the British West India islands, upwards of five hundred pieces of iron ordinance were found to be useless and [indecipherable], which have since been replaced by sufficient artillery from England. We are well assured, that all the turnpike roads in the county of Kent will be immediately repaired. They write from Devonshire and Southampton, that several farmers in those counties are going to convert their orchards into hop ground being determined to make no more cyder or perry for the future. It is said that tow thousand pounds is the form allowed by authority, towards making experiments for discovering the Longitude at sea, over & above the reward offered for the discovery of it. Yesterday morning some hundred yards of foreign silk ribbon were seized at a Toy shop in New Send Street. It is said that application will be made to parliament to oblige Agents for prize money the property of his Majesty’s land forces to account for what forms are remaining in their hands unclaimed within a limited time.
Boston: Extract of a letter from Piscataqua.
Whatever different interests there may be, among the several province and colonies in North America, it is certain they are all firmly united in this single point, namely, to make a more opposition to the stamp act, which is justly accounted destructive of English Liberty both in Great Britain and all the American plantations. However, by letters from your Metropolis, we are informed that many among you are of opinion, that however our chief may stand effected most of our people are for tamely submitting to the reasonable hardships of the Act. In this I can inform you with great certainty, that you are mistaken. For though in the days of yore, when you’d enquire [indecipherable] it was confidently said in Boston, that the people of New Hampshire had but one privilege left them, which was a negative one not to be sold for slaves, we can now assure you, we have a more noble relish for British Liberty. Accordingly, when our Stamp Master arrived among us, had he not humbled himself, and made consideration, and solemly promised to renouce the detestable employment of distributing the stamp papers, he would immediately have felt the warm resentments of our inraged people. You have liberty to communicate these things to the public, that all North America may know the general sentiments of this province, not to submit to the Stamp Act, or to any other unconstitutional imposition.
Halifax November 28. Last Friday arrived here Capt. Allen in the Gaspee Cutter, from New York, but last from Piscataqua, who met with a storm, which carried away her bowspirit. Entered inwards, none. Cleared outwards, Sloop Sally Dunning, Virginia & North Carolina. Sloop Charming Nancy, Mullowney, Philadelphia. Sloop Nibby, Godfrey, Lisbon. Brig Chance, Brown, Liverpool G. Britain.
HALIFAX, (in NOVA SCOTIA) Printed and sold by A. Henry, at his printing office in Sackville Street, where all Persons may be supplied with a whole sheet of this paper at eighteen shillings a year, until the publisher has an 150 Subscribers, when it will be no more than twelve shillings. Advertisements are taken in, and inserted as Cheap as the Stamp Act will allow.
Nova Scotia Gazette, [Halifax, NS] Thursday Nov 21-Thursday November 28, 1765 https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=4p3FJGzxjgAC&dat=17651121&printsec=frontpage&hl=en Accessed July 3, 2021.